
' A' JSpnh 



-' ^0 'V, •■"To' <{,^ o *.,,.' .0^ V * 






^-^^ 







>?-^^ 






.^' 



n<i'' 



c^" 






aO' 









^ 



.0" 



■0- ^' -.•'^^^* ^^ 




^^ .*1^^% ^-e 



-^^0^ 




















1^ .*— ,/r^>i •» 





4 O 









"'^i A, 

. • 5 . > 



- ^ ^- --.^ ^ -.^^W* .V ^'^^ •-^'ai&^/ . -^ 




THE JOURNAL 

O F 

THE PILGRIMS 

AT PLYMOUTH, 

IN NEW ENGLAND, IN 16 20: 
REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL VOLUME. 

WITH HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
OF PROVIDENCES, riilNClPLES, AND PERSONS: 

B Y 

GEORGE B. CHEEVER, D.D. ^- 



NEW YORK: 
PUBLISHED BY JOHN WILEY, 161 BROADWAY. 

AND 13 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 

1848. 



fa 



//O^'^'^^^^ 



Enterkd, uccoriliiig to Act of Congress, in the year 18-18, by 

GEOKGE B. CHEEVER, 

ill the Clerk's Office of the District Coiirt of the Southern District of New York. 

Bx:chaQge( 
Brown University Library 



APR 8 . 194C 



R. CRAIGHEAD, PRINTER AND STEREOTVPER, 
112 FULTON STREET, NEW YOP.K. 




^1*^1 Withdrawn 



PREFACE. 



Some years ago, about the time of the publication of Dr. Young's 
Chronicles of the Pilgrims, and before I had seen that work, the original 
volume of the Journal of the Pilgrims came into my possession, and 1 
resolved to publish it with annotations. 1 supposed then that there was 
but one other copy of the v(rork in this country. I vi^as prevented by 
various causes at that time from the accomplishment of my intention, 
until a recent visit to Plymouth revived my purpose, and this volume 
became the fruit of it. 

I am greatly indebted, as every one who attempts to write concerning 
the Plymouth Pilgrims must find himself to be, to Dr. Young's invalua- 
ble publications of the Chronicles of the Pilgrims and the Chronicles of 
Massachusetts. The notes to those works contain an immense amount 
of information, perfectly to be relied upon, and also of accurate refer- 
ences to the sources of knowledge at command. The Library of the 
New York Historical Society, to which I have had the freest access, i.s 
rich and abundant in its material concerning the early history of the 
Plymouth Pilgrims, and of New England. 

This work, begun in the way of Historical Notes, has grown into 
twenty-four chapters ; and I have been led, incidentally, to adopt a clas- 
sification of my materials of illustration, which is important in itself, and 
will certainly impart to the work something of the merit of novelty ; that 
is, to arrange in separate subjects and sketches, as far as possible, the 



IV PREFACE. 

germs, or beginnings, or tifst appearances of our native New England 
customs and institutions. I have endeavored to trace the wonder- 
ful providential discipline of God with tlie colony of Plymouth, and to 
some extent witli that of Massachusetts, and to show the constant action 
of tliose principles of piety for which they suffered, under the supremacy 
of which they labored, and by which, through the grace of Christ, they 
were successful. 

Doubtless, the great lesson of God's teachings in the first years of the 
conflict of our Pilgrim Fathers, and as Mr. Choate called it, " the days of 
their human agony of glory," is the lesson of the atonement itself, and of 
that wondrous passage respecting Christ, that he was made perfect through 
suffering; — the necessity of a baptism of suliering, in some way, and of 
its holy endurance beneath the hand of God, at the foundation of every 
great enterprise in our fallen world, for the good of man and for God's 
glory. Never was there in the history of the world, out of the Divine 
records, a more signal and affecting display of tliis principle, and of 
God's disciplinary and covenant mercy in it to mankind, than in the story 
of the trials and endurances of our Pilgrim and Puritan Fathers. 

The picture, if drawn by the hand of a master, would be surpassingly 
beautiful ; and there certainly will yet emanate from some devout mind 
and heart in New* England, from some individual prepared and gifted of 
God for the duty (as D'Aubigne was disciplined and guided in his great 
work on the Reformation), a book of unrivalled interest and lasting power, 
on the History of the Pilgrims and Puritans in America. Such a work 
would, in its foundations and introductory material, run back to the days 
of Hooper, and the opening and progress of the Reformation in England, 
and the persecuting instrumentality of Elizabeth, James, and the Hierar- 
chical Despotism. Then the stream of history divides, and there are two 
great works to be accomplished, concentrating the interest and progress 
of the world upon the principles developed and illustrated, namely, the 
History of the Puritans in Great Britain, and the History of the Puri- 
tans in America. Here are two of the grandest subjects in the world for 
genius and piety. All tilings done as yet are mere materials collected, 



PREFACE. V 

and shafts of light here and there poured down. Some of Carlyle's 
works are such shafts of light and power ; but even yet they are seen, 
as the sunlight often is, amidst steams of vaporous prejudice drawn from 
the earth and rising into clouds. The veil of prejudice is yet to be re- 
moved away, and the work of Divine Providence and Grace is to be 
revealed, as a glorious landscape amidst clear shining after rain. 
New York, Nov. 21, 1848. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PART I, 



rxoB 

JOURNAL OF THE PILGRIMS 1-110 



PART II. 

HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 
CHAPTER I. 

Principles, Providences, Persons — The Colony of Principle and the 
Colony of Gain Ill 

CHAPTER ir. 

The Virginia Company, and the Merchant Adventurers . . . 117 

CHAPTER III. 

The Merchant Adventurers — Articles of Agreement for the transporta- 
tion of the Pilgrims ; otherwise the Copartnership — Dissolution 
of the Company 123 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Pilgrim Church in England, and the first church compact . .134 

CHAPTER V. 

Comparison of God's Preparatory Providences 140 

CHAPTER vt. 

The Pilgrim Church at Leyden, and the Pastor Robinson— The Vine 
brought out of Egypt, but not yet planted in the Wilderness . . 14 7 



Vm CONTENTS. 

rAOK 
OHAPTKU vn. 

The fust New England rinuoh, nnd their Elder, Mr. Brewster— The 

Vine brought out and planted 163 

CHAPTER vm. 

Congreemtional Constitution of the Pilgrim Church — Correspondence 
of Brewster and Robinson with the Council in England as to their 
principles — Comparison of Congregationalism and Hierarchism . 185 

CHAPTER IX. 

The First Civil Compact — Toleration, Connivance, Liberty of Con- 
science — Foundation of the State — Repetition of the free Cove- 
nants 195 

CHAPTER X. 

The first Settlement, following the tirst Compact — Discovery of Ply- 
mouth—The Harbor, the Localities, the Associations — Plymouth 
Rock, and the beauty of the hightide scenery ... 205 

CHAPTER XI. 

Instructive discipline of the Pilgrim Church at Amsterdam — Original 
order and beauty of the Churches there — Evils of dissension and 
of minute Church legislation — The forbearing and kindly spirit of 
the Pilgrim Church 212 

CHAPTER XU. 

The Life, Character, and Administration, of Governor Bradford . .219 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The tirst New England Sabbath 239 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The first New England Meeting-House 250 

CHAPTER XV. 

The first Deaths and Burials 260 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The first Fast and Thanksgiving — Remarkable instance of the Divine 

Interposition in answer to prayer 274 

CHAPTER xvn. 

The first New England Council, Church Organization, and Ordination 2S9 



CONTENTS. IX 

CHAPTER XVIII. PAO« 

The first attempt at Schism — Recalcitration of the Establishment . 300 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Slanders against the Colony — Laud's High Commission to overturn 
its Church and Government — The case of Mr. Winslow's Imprison- 
ment — The case of Mr. Endicott, and the Red Royal Ensign . 310 

CHAPTER XX. 

The first imposition of a Minister, and the character and end of the 
man and the effort — Conspiracy of Lyford and Oldham— Energy 
and prudence of the Governor 321 

CHAPTER XXI. 

The first civil ofl^ence and punishment— Mildness, forbearance, self- 
respect, and kindness of the Pilgrims — The first murderer and his 
end — Their views of Capital Punishment for Murder— The great- 
ness and wisdom of their legal reforms 329 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The first Town-meeting — Providential discipline and development of 
freedom 337 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Governor Bradford's Letter Book 344 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

The Antiquities of Plymouth— The houses and armor of the Pilgrims 

— Description of their mode of public worship .... 358 



A 

RELATION OR 

lournall of the beginning and proceedings 

of the English Plantation setled at Plimotli in New 

England, by certaine English Aduenturers both 
Merchants and others. 

With their difficult passage, their safe ariuall, their 

ioyfull building of, and comfortable planting them- 

selues in the now well defended Tovvne 

of New P l I m o t h. 

AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOVRE 

seuerall discoueries since made by some of the 
same English Planters there resident. 

/. In a iourney to Pvckajvokick the habitation of the Indians grea- 
test King Massasoyt : as also their message, the answer and entertainment 
they had of him. 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawset, to seeke 
a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such accidents as befell them 
in that voyage. 

III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namaschet, in defence of their 
greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohiggonsets, and to reuenge the 
supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum. 

////. Their voyage to the Massachusets, and their entertainment there. 

With an answer to all such obiections as are any way made 

against the lawfulnesse of English plantations 

in those parts. 



LONDON, 

Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the 
two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Exchange. 1622. 



EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 



The individual to whom the introductory note or letter 
at the beginning of this volume is addressed, as the writer's 

much respected friend, Mr. I. P , is supposed by Dr. 

Young to be Mr. John Pierce, perhaps a leading merchant 
under authority from the Council of persons, between whom 
and King James the patent of incorporation to the North- 
ern Colony of Virginia, between 40 and 48 degrees North, 
was signed, unknown to the pilgrims, Nov. 3d, 1620, about 
a week before their arrival at Cape Cod, while they, under 
toleration of no King or earthly power, were struggling 
across the ocean. The incorporated body, composed of 
the Duke of Lenox, the Marquises of Buckingham and 
Hamilton, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, Sir F. Gor- 
ges, with thirty-four others, and their successors, were 
styled. The Council established at Plymouth in the county 
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing 
of New England in America. 

The patent for the Plymouth Colony under this body 
seems to have been taken out in the name of Mr. John 
Pierce, to whom therefore, in all probability, the initials 
I. P. belong. Under date of July, 1622, we find in Prince's 
Chronology, an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal 
as follows : " By Mr. Weston's ship (from England) 
comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the 
Plymouth patent is taken ; signifying that whom the Go- 
vernor admits into the Association, he will approve." 

By another entry in Governor Bradford's Journal, it 



EXPLANATION OF THE 



would seem that this Mr. Pierce afterwards endeavored 
to deal treacherously by the Colony for his own private 
advantage ; but his scheme was utterly frustrated and 
broken by the good providence of God. He fitted out a 
vessel, in which he intended to come to Plymouth himself, 
with the powers of a liege lord committed to him in a 
second and separate patent, which, had he succeeded in- his 
plan, might have proved the ruin of the colony. But God 
ordered it otherwise, as we see from Governor Bradford's 
relation, which Mr. Prince sets down in the following 
words, after mentioning the ship the Paragon, and the 
number of her passengers. " Being fitted out by Mr. John 
Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken, his name 
being only used in trust : but when he saw we were here 
hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us had ob- 
tained favor with the Council for New England, he gets 
another patent of a large extent, meaning to keep it to him- 
self, allow us only what he pleased, hold us as his tenants, 
and sue to his courts as chief lord. But meeting with tem- 
pestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is so bruised and 
leaky, that in fourteen days she returned to London, was 
forced to be put into the dock, one hundred pounds laid out 
to mend her, and lay six or seven weeks to Dec. 22d, be- 
fore she sailed a second time. But being half way over, 
met with extreme tempestuous weather about the middle 
of February, which held fourteen days, beat off the round 
house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her 
masts and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, 
with Mr. Pierce himself. Upon which great and repeated 
loss and disappointment, he is prevailed upon for £500 to 
resign to the Company his patent, which cost him but £50. 
And the goods, with charge of passengers in this ship, cost 
the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire 
another ship, the Ann." This ship arrived the end of July 
or beginning of August, 1623. 



INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 



Such is the simple account of a remarkable providence, 
interposing for the protection of the Pilgrims, and bringing 
to naught a plan fraught with despotism and danger. The 
interpositions of this nature were so frequent and striking, 
that the attention of all men must have been arrested by 
them, as that of even the Indians was by God's mercy in 
the sudden rain, at the day of fasting and prayer in July, 
1623. Of this the account will be given in the historical 
and local illustrations. The present providence is here 
noted, because it occurs in connexion with the name of 
Mr. Pierce, and turns, indeed, upon his attempt to get the 
mastery of the colony. His plan had not been formed, or 
if formed, was not developed, when R. G. wrote this re- 
commendation of the Journal of the Pilgrims to "his much 
respected friend Mr. I. P." 

The initials R. G. appended to this letter are supposed to 
signify the name of Robert Cushman, the G. being possibly 
a misprint for C. Mr. Cushman was the first agent ap- 
pointed by the Church of the Pilgrims in Leyden, along 
with Mr. Carver, afterwards first Governor of the Colony, 
to treat with the Virginia Company, and endeavor to get 
liberty of conscience from the King. He had much trust 
reposed in him, and business put upon him, in preparing 
the Mayflower and her little company, with the Speedwell, 
for their voyage. He and his family embarked with them, 
intending to have been of the first band of Pilgrims, but 
were compelled to return when the Speedwell put back 
to England, and afterwards came in the Fortune, Nov. 
9, 1621. The only consideration in the least degree in the 
way of supposing this to be Mr. Cushman's letter, is the 
fact that it is written as by one of the resident colonists 
themselves, one supposed to be at Plymouth, while the 
Journal he recommends is sent to be published in England ; 
whereas Mr. Cushman himself returned to England by ap- 
pointment of the adventurers, for their better information, 



8 EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. P. AND R. G. 

in the same vessel by which the Journal seems to have been 
sent, namely, the Fortune, which sailed Dec. 13. This, 
however, may be deemed of little importance, as he wrote 
in the name and behalf of others. His death prevented 
him from afterwards settling with the Colony. The same 
vessel which brought the notice to the Colony of the death 
of Robinson, their beloved pastor, brought also the news of 
Mr. Cushman's death, of which Governor Bradford makes 
the following register in 1626 : 

" Our captain also brings us notice of the death of our 
ancient friend Mr. Cushman, who was our right hand with 
the adventurers, and for divers years has managed all our 
business with them, to our great advantage. He had wrote 
to the Governor a few months before of the sickness of 
Mr. James Sherley, who was a chief friend of the planta- 
tion, and lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and 
helpfulness in all things, and bemoaning our loss if God 
should take him away, as being the stay and life of the 
business ; as also of his own purpose to come this year and 
spend the rest of his days with us." 



TO HIS MUCH RE 




spected Friend, M\ I. P, 

^Ood Friend : As wee cannot but account 
it an extraordinary blessing of God in di- 
recting our course for these parts, after we 
came out of our natiue countrey, for that 
we had the happinesse to be possessed of the comforts 
we receiue by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, 
most healthfull, and most fruitfull parts of the world : 
So must wee acknowledge the same blessing to bee 
multiplied vpon our whole company, for that we ob- 
tained the honour to receiue allowance and approba- 
tion of our free possession, and enioying thereof vn- 
der the authority of those thrice honoured Persons, 
the President and Counsell for the affaires of New- 
England, by whose bounty and grace, in that behalfe, 
all of vs are tied to dedicate our best seruice vnto 
them, as those vnder his Majestic, that wee owe it 
vnto: whose noble endeuours in these their actions 
the God of heauen and earth multiply to his glory 
and their owne eternall comforts. 

As for this poore Relation, I pray you to accept it, 

as 



as being writ by the seuerall Actors themselues, after 
their plaiiie and rude manner; therefore doubt nothing 
of the truth thereof: if it be defectiue in any thing, 
it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted \\ith 
planting than writing. If it satisfie those that are 
well affected to the businesse, it is all I care for. 
Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that 
are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de- 
sire more than enough, neither is there want of ought 
among vs, but company to enjoy the blessings so 
plentifully bestowed vpon the inhabitants that are 
here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot, 
that I had but the recommendation of the relation it 
selfe, to your further consideration, and therefore I 
will end without saying more, saue that f shall alwaies 
rest 

From P L I M O T H in 

New-England. 

Yours in the way of 

friendship, R. G. 



EXPLANATION OF THE SICxNATURE G. MOURT. 



The epistle to the reader signed G. Mourt is regarded 
by Dr. Young, and with much probability, nay, almost cer- 
tainty, unless the name be entirely fictitious, as having been 
written by George Morton, the brother-in-law of Governor 
Bradford, who came to the Colony in 1623, but died in 
June, 1624, "a gracious servant of God, an unfeigned lover 
and promoter of the common good and growth of this 
plantation, and faithful in whatever public employment he 
was entrusted with." He came in the Ann about the end 
of July, 1623, and is named as one of the principal among 
the best and most useful members of the body who arrived 
in that vessel. — (Prince, pages 139 and 148 of the original 
edition, vol. i.) 

He seems to have superintended the publication of the 
Journal, and in consequence the volume has generally gone, 
very inappropriately, by the name of " Mourt's Relation." 
A more proper title is the " Journal of the Pilgrims." Mr. 
Prince called it the " Relation published by Mourt." 

It will be noted that Mourt or Morton, then writing in 
London in 1621, sets forth as the first grand reason for the 
plantation of the Pilgrim Colonists in New England, " the 
desire of carrying the gospel of Christ into those foreign 
parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no know- 
ledge nor taste of God." 




To the Reader. 

MWMMMOurteous Reader, he intreated to make a fa- 
uorahle construction of my forwardnes, in 
\^ ^ publishing these inseuing discourses : the de- 
sire of carrying the Gospell of Christ into 
tliose forraigne 'parts, amongst those people that as yet 
haue had no knowledge, nor tast of God, as also to 
procure vnto themselues and others a quiet and com- 
fortable habytation : weare amongst other things the 
inducements vnto these vndertakers of the then hope- 
full, and now experimentally knowne good enterprice 
for plantation, in New England, to set afoote and 
prosecute the same : Sf though it fared with them, as it 
is common to the most actions of this nature, that the 
first attempts proue diffecult, as the sequell more at 
large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, euen beyond 
our expectation in so short a time, to giue hope of let- 
ting some of them see (though some he hath taken out 
of this vale of teares) some grounds of hope, of the 
accomplishment of both those endes, by them at first 
propounded. 

And as my selfe then much desired, and shortly hope 
to efect, if the Lord loill, the putting to of my shoulder 

in 



To the Reader. 

in this liopefull business, and in the meane time, these 
relations camming to my liand from nuj hoth knoicji 
S>^ faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, 
I thmight it not a/nisse to ?noke them more gene rail, 
hoping of a cheerfull proceeding, both of Aduenturers 
and planters, intreating that the example of the hon : 
Virginia and Bermudas Companies, incountering tvith 
so ?nany disfasters, and that for diuers yeares together, 
with an vnicea7-ied resolution, the good effects whereof 
are now e?ninent, may preuaile as a spur re of prepara- 
tion also touching this no lesse hopefull Country though 
yet an infant, the extent S)' commodities whereof are 
as yet not fully hwicn ; after time icil vnfould more : 
such as desire to take knowledge of things, may in- 
forme themselues by this in suing treatise, and if they 
please aiso by such as haue bin there a first and second 
tijue: my harty prayer to God is that the euentof this 
and all other honorable and honest vfidertakings, may 
be for the furtherance of the kingdome of Christ, the 
inlarging of the bounds of our Soueraigne Lord King 
lames, S^ the good and profit of those, who either by 
purse, or person, or both, are agents in the saine, so I 
take leaue and rest 

Thy friend G. Movrt. 



EXPLANATION OF THE INITIALS I. R. 



ROBINSON S LETTER TO THE PILGRIMS. 



The initials I. R. appended to the following admirable 
letter are those of John Robinson, pastor of the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden, and the letter is his. It was written on 
occasion of the embarking of the Pilgrims in 1620. They 
received it at Southampton, whither they had sailed from 
Leyden, from Delft-haven, July 22d, having at that time 
bade farewell personally to their beloved pastor and the 
members of the church they were leaving. Mr. Robinson 
seems to have written this letter for the company of Pil- 
grims, with a shorter one to Mr. Carver, a deacon of the 
church, at the same time, July 27th. The reading of it 
was made a special occasion at one of the last meetings of 
the Pilgrims at Southampton, just before they went on 
board ship ; and under such apostolical benedictions, in- 
structions, and fervent prayers, from him whom God had 
set over them in the ministry of the gospel, they departed. 
Governor Bradford gives a short mention of this letter in 
the following words ; " Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver 
and people letters, which they receive at Southampton ; 
and the company being called together, theirs is read among 
them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many." 

The letter is such as might well produce after-fruit. It 
breathes the same spirit of far-seeing wisdom and love as 
that manifested in Robinson's celebrated parting discourse, 
at the day of fasting and prayer, " ready to depart on the 



lt> Robinson's letter. 

morrow." It will be noted with what prudence and affec- 
tionate earnestness he warns and instructs the flock for 
their conduct in the wilderness. He begins w^th the duty 
of daily individual repentance and peace with Christ ; next 
peace wdth all men, especially with one another, by love, 
by gentleness and patience towards the infirmities of one 
anothei', by great watchfulness against either giving or 
taking offence, reminding them what cause the beginning 
of their civil community will minister for such extreme and 
tender care. And how beautiful the added injunction, to 
take none offence at God himself, whose loving providence 
they were now sure to meet in the shape of many crosses ! 
Next, to guard anxiously against private selfishness, and 
have in all things an eye single to the general good, avoid- 
ing the indulgence of particular fancies and singular man- 
ners apart from the general conveniency. In this he refers 
also to the danger from the pushing of private opinions 
as law for others. And that sentence which follows ought 
to be engraven in every mind: "As men are careful not 

TO HAVE A NEW HOUSE SHAKEN WITH ANY VIOLENCE BEFORE 
IT BE WELL SETTLED AND THE PARTS FIRMLY KNIT, SO BE YOU 
MUCH MORE CAREFUL THAT THE HoUSE OF GoU, WHICH YOU 
ARE, AND ARE TO BE, BE NOT SHAKEN WITH UNNECESSARY NO- 
VELTIES OR OTHER OPPOSITIONS AT THE FIRST SETTLING 
THEREOF." 

Then how important and just his hints for their guidance 
in regard to the choice and obedience of their officers of 
government. In all respects, this letter is one of the 
most remarkable ever penned. No wonder that it bore 
after-fruit in many ; for it was full of precious germs of 
truth, every word and phrase being well weighed ; and 
its brief but heavenly instructions fell into hearts softened 
and prepared. Who can tell how great the effect of that 
letter must have been upon the prosperity of the colony, 
the church ; how it grew beneath Christ's care, by the 



Robinson's letter. 17 

guidance of its under-shepherd's instructions, even after he 
had gone to his rest ! 

He speaks in this letter of many of the intended pilgrims 
being strangers to the persons and infirmities of one ano- 
ther. This could not have been the case with those who 
had been members of his own church so many years toge- 
ther at Leyden, or were there acquainted with him or with 
one another, and therefore it must refer to those who ex- 
pected to join them in England ; of whom it is probable 
the greater part were those who put back in the Speed- 
well. The colony of Pilgrims was thus rendered, by the 
good providence of God, more completely one, and better 
acquainted from the outset with each other's characters, 
and therefore more confident in one another, and less ex- 
posed to dissensions than Robinson himself had anticipated. 

God not only " sifted three kingdoms" to get the seed of 
this enterprise, but sifted that seed over again. Every 
person, whom he would not have to go at that time to plant 
the first colony of New England, he sent back, even from 
mid-ocean, in the Speedwell. 

It was like God's dealings with Gideon and his army. 
" The people are yet too many ; bring them down unto 
the water, and I will try them for thee there ; and it shall 
be, that of whom I say unto thee, This shall go with thee, 
the same shall go with thee ; and of whomsoever I say 
unto thee, This shall not go with thee, the same shall not 
go." 







CERTAINE VSEFVL 

ADVERTISEMENTS SENT 
ia a Letter written by a discreete friend vn- 

to the Planters in New England, at their first setting 

saile from Southhampton, ivho earnestly desireih 

the prosperitie of that their new 

Plantation. 

i^Ouing and Christian friends, I doe heartily and in the 
Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am 
present in my best affection, and most earnest long- 
ings after you, though I be constrained for a while 
j-g to be bodily absent from you, I say constrained, God 
^knowing how willingly and much rather than other- 
wise I would haue borne my part with you in this first 
brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held backe for the pre- 
sent. Make account of me in the meane while, as of a man 
deuided in my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set 
aside) hauing my better part with you. And though 1 doubt not 
but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon 
that which concerneth your present state and condition both 
seuerally and ioyntly, yet haue I thought but my dutie to adde 
some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already, if 
not because you need it, yet because I owe it in loue and dutie. 
And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our 
God, speciall for our sinnes knowne, and generall for our vn- 
known trespasses, so doth the Lord call vs in a singular maner 
vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you, to 
a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of our wayes 
in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten 




A Letter of aduice 

by vs or vnrepcnted of, take aduantage against vs, aiid in iudge- 
ment leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or 
other ; whereas on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest 
repentance and the pardon thereof from the Lord, sealed vp vnto 
a mans conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his securitie and 
peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with 
happy deliuerance from all enill, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heauenly peace with God and our owne 
consciences, we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men 
"what in vs lieth, especially with our associates, and for that end 
watchfulnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selues do 
giue, no nor easily take offence being giuen by others. Woe be 
vnto the world for oflences, for though it be necessary (consider- 
ing the malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, 
yet woe unto the man or woman either by wliom the offence 
Cometh, saith Christ, Math. 18. 7. And if offences in the vnsea- 
sonablc vse of things in thcmselues inditlerent, be more to be fear- 
ed then death itselfe, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how 
much more in things simply cuill, in which neither honour of God 
nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 

Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep our selues by the grace 
of God from giuing offence, except withall we be armed ixgainst 
the taking of them when they are giuen by others. For how 
vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person, who 
wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences, as the Scriptures 
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon 
the common grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons 
ready to take offence, either want charitie to couer offences, or 
wiscdome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse, 
though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Math. 7. 1, 
2, 3. as indeed in mine owne experience, few or none haue beene 
found which sooner giue offence, then such as easily take it; 
neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in 
societies, which haue nourished in themselues that touchey hu- 
mour. But besides these, there are diners spetiall motiues prouo- 
king you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : As 
first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the 

infirmities 



to the Planters of New-England. 

infirmities one of another, and so stand in necde of more watch- 
fulnesse this way, lest when such things fall out in men and wo- 
men as you suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; 
which doth require at your hands much wiscdomc and charitie for 
the couering and preucnting of incident offences that way. And 
lastly your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister 
continuall occasion of offence, and will be as fuell for that fire, 
except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
if taking of offence causlessly or easily at mens doings be so care- 
fully to be auoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we 
take not ofTence at God himselfe, which yet we certainly do so oft 
as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses, or beare impa- 
tiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit vs. Store 
we vp therefore patience against the euill day, without which we 
take offence at the Lord himselfe in his holy and iust works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for, to wit, that 
with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections 
truly bent vpon the gcnerall good, auoiding as a deadly plague of 
your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde 
for proper aduantage, and all singularly affected any manor of 
way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in 
each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all pri- 
uate respects of mens selues, not sorting with the generall conue- 
niencie. And as men are carefull not to haue a new house 
shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts 
firmly knit : so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more care- 
full, that the house of God which you are and are to be, be not 
shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first 
settling thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politik, vsing 
amongst your selues ciuill gouernment, and are not furnished 
with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest, to be chosen 
by you into office of gouernment : Let your wisedome and godli- 
nesse appeare, not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely 
loue, and will diligently promote the common good, but also in 
yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull 
administrations, not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their 

persons, 



A Letter of aduice, ^'C. 

persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto 
the foolish multitude, who more honour the gay coate, then either 
the vertuous mind of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. 
But you know better things, and that the image of the Lords 
power and authoritie which the Magistrate beareth, is honorable, 
in how meane persons soeuer. And this dutie you both may the 
more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to performe, 
because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for 
your ordinary gouernours, which your selues shall make choise 
of for that worke. 

Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in mind of, 
and of those before mentioned in more words, but I will not so far 
wrong your godly minds, as to thinke you heedlesse of these things, 
there being also diners among you so well able to admonish both 
themselues and others of what concerneth them. These few 
things therefore, and the ^ame in few words I do earnestly com- 
mend vnto your care and conscience, ioyning therewith my daily 
incessant prayers vnto the Lord, that he who hath made the 
heauens and the earth, the sea and all riuers of waters, and whose 
prouidence is ouer all his workes, especially ouer all his dears 
children for good, would so guide and guard you in your wayes, 
as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, 
as that both you and we also, for and with you, may haue after 
matter of praising his Name all the days of your and our Hues. 
Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 

An vnfained u'cU-unller 
of your happic succcsse 
in this hopefidl voyage, 



LR. 



THE BEGINNINGS OF THE PILGRIMAGE, PRELIMI- 
NARY TO THE JOURNAL. 



' The abrupt commencement of the Journal of the Pil- 
grims, at the date of their last parting from Plymouth in 
England, will be best introduced by the simple extract from 
Governor Bradford, given by Mr. Prince, commencing 
with the departure of the Pilgrims from Leyden. From 
that day to the date of their arrival in Cape Cod Harbor, 
the time was 108 days. From August 5th, the date of 
their first setting sail from Southampton in England, to 
Nov. 10th, the date of their anchorage in Cape Cod Har- 
bor, 98 days, which in truth was the length of their voyage 
across the Atlantic ; but from their last setting sail, after 
being compelled to put back to Plymouth, Sept. 6th, at 
which day the Journal of the Pilgrims commences, the 
voyage occupies 66 days, from port to port. 

It was a boisterous passage ; their first experience of 
the equinoctial storms between England and America, of 
which no record remains, save in the few lines from Go- 
vernor Bradford under date of September 6th. They 
were in great peril, obliged to beat about for days, unable, 
through the violence of the gale, to carry a single sail. We 
should have been glad of some record of those days and 
nights of anxiety and prayer, in which they were some- 
times in such serious question of the possibility of the ship 
enduring, as to ask whether they ought not again to put 
back to England. Thus their various delays, under Divine 
Providence, threw them upon our coast on the verge of 
winter, which, had it not been by the same Divine Provi- 



24 RELATION PRELIMINARY 

dence, unusually mild and open, must have destroyed them 
utterly. Their experience was to be an illustration of 
God's discipline in all great enterprises, life out of death. 
" The Lord hath chastened me sore, but he hath not given 
me over unto death. Thou, which hast showed me great 
and sore troubles, shalt quicken me again, and shalt bring 
me up again from the depths of the earth. Thou shalt in- 
crease my greatness, and comfort me on every side." 

The extract from Governor Bradford is entitled by Mr. 
Prince, The Voyage of the English people at Leyden for 
Virginia. 

" About July 21, the English voyagers at Leyden leave 
that city, where they had lived near twelve years, being 
accompanied by most of their brethren to Delph-IIaven, 
where their ship lay ready, and sundry came from Amster- 
dam to see them shipped and take their leave. They 
spend that night in friendly entertaining and Christian con- 
verse, and July 22d, the wind being fair, they go aboard, 
their friends attending them. At their parting, Mr. Robin- 
son falling down on his knees, and they all with him, he 
with w^atery cheeks commends them with most fervent 
prayer to God ; and then with mutual embraces and many 
tears they take their leave, and with a prosperous gale 
come to Southampton, where they find the bigger ship 
from London, Mr. Jones Master, with the rest of the com- 
pany, who had been waiting there with Mr. Cushman 
seven days. Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out 
at Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hundred 
pounds' venture with them. And Mr. Weston comes 
thither from London, to see them dispatched." 

" July 27th. — Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver and 
people, letters, wiiich they receive at Southampton. And 
the company being called together, theirs is read among 
them, to the acceptance of all, and after-fruit of many. 
Then they distribute their company into the ships, and with 



TO THE JOURNAL. *25 

the approbation of the masters choose a governor and two 
or three assistants for each, to order the people and pro- 
visions. 

"August 5th they sail from Southampton, but reach 
not far before Mr. Reinolds, master of the lesser ship, com- 
plained she was so leaky, that he dare proceed no further. 
Upon which they both put in to Dartmouth, about August 
13th, when they search and mend her, to their great charge 
and loss of time and a fair wind ; though, had they stayed 
at sea but three or four hours more, she had sunk right 
down. 

" About August 21 they set sail again ; but having gone 
above a hundred leagues from the land's end of England, 
Mr. Reinolds complained of her leaking again, that they 
must either return or sink, for they could scarce free her 
by pumping. Upon which they both put back to Plymouth, 
where, finding no defect, they judge her leakiness owing to 
her general weakness. They therefore agree to dismiss 
her, and those who are willing, to return to London, though 
this was very grievous and discouraging ; Mr. Cushman 
and family returning with them. The rest, taking what 
provision they could well stow in the larger ship, resolve 
to proceed on the voyage alone. 

" Sept. 6th they make another sad parting, and the 
greater ship sets sail again ; but about half-seas over meets 
with cross winds and many fierce storms, which often force 
them to hull for diverse days together, not being able to 
bear a knot of sail ; make her upper works very leaky, and 
bow and wrack a main beam in the midship, which puts 
them in such fear, as the chief of the company enters into 
a serious consultation with the ship officers about return- 
ing. But a passenger having brought a great iron screw 
from Holland, they with it raise the beam into its place, 
and then, committing themselves to the Divine Will, pro- 
ceed. 



'25 DELATION PRELIMINARY- 

" Nov. 6th dies at sea, William Butten, a youth and ser- 
vant to Samuel Fuller, being the only passenger who dies 
on the voyage. 

" Nov. 9th at break of day after long beating the sea, 
they make the land of Cape Cod. Whereupon they tack 
and stand to the southward, the wind and weather being 
fair, to find some place about Hudson's river for settlement. 
But sailing this course about half the day, they fall among 
roaring shoals and breakers, and are so entangled with 
them, as they find themselves in great hazard, and the wind 
shrinking upon them at the same time, they bear up for the 
Cape, get out of those dangers before night, and the next 
day into the Cape Harbor, where they ride in safety. 

"Nov. 11th, Saturday, being thus arrived, they first fall 
on their knees and bless the God of Heaven. But their 
design and patent being for Virginia, and not New Eng- 
land, which belongs to another jurisdiction, wherewith the 
Virginia Company have no concern ; before they land they 
this day combine into a body politic by a solemn contract, 
to which they set their hands, as the basis of their govern- 
ment in this new-found country, choose Mr. John Carver, 
a pious and well approved gentleman, their governor for 
the first year, and then set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, 
well armed, to fetch wood and discover the land." 

Thus far Governor Bradford in Prince's Chronology. 
This trenches a little upon the beginning of the Journal of 
the Pilgrims, but with some additional circumstances ; and 
by it we learn that the river which they were in search of, 
expecting to find it in a day or so of sail from Cape Cod, 
was the Hudson, that being near the limits of the jurisdic- 
tion of the Virginia Company. Had they found that, per- 
haps New York and New Jersey might have been the 
New England of America. But God ordered otherwise. 
Had they found that, they would not probably have enter- 
ed into the great compact on board the Mayflower, which, 



SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT. 



27 



whatever may have been their original intention or fore- 
sight, constituted them a self-governing republic, although 
named " the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, 
King James." 

At the bottom of that compact, the names of the signers 
are not given in the Journal, but they are all known. 
" Their names corrected," Mr Prince says, " with their 
titles and families, I take from the list at the end of Gover- 
nor Bradford's folio manuscript. Only this I observe, that 
out of modesty he omits the title of Mr. to his own name, 
which he ascribes to several others." 



The list follows, with the number of persons in their se- 
veral families set opposite their names. One individual 
died on the passage, and one was born, whom they named 
Oceanus. The names in italics indicate those who died 
before the end of March, 1C21. 



Mr. John Carver, . . . 
William Bradford, . . . 
Mr. Edward Winslow, 
Mr. William Brewster, 
Mr. Isaac Allerton, . . . 
Capt. Miles Standish, . . 

John Alden, 

Mr. Samuel Fuller, . . . 
Mr. Christopher Martin, . 
Mr. William Mu/lins, . . 
Mr. William White, . . 
Mr. Richard Warren, . . 
* John Rowland, . . . 
Mr. Stephen Hopkins, . . 
Edward Tilly, .... 
John Tilly, 



Francis Cook, 
Tho?nas Rogers, 
Thomas Tinker, 
John Ridgdale, 
Edward Fuller, 
John Turner, . 
Francis Eaton, 
James Chilton, 
John Crackston, 
John Billington, 
Moses Fletcher, 
John Goodman, 
Degory Priest, 
Thomas Williams, 
Gilbert Winslow, 
Edmund Margeson, 



* Rowland was of Governor Carver's family. 



28 



SIGNERS OF THE COMPACT. 



Peter Brown, . . 
Richard Britteridge. 
George Soule, . . 
Richard Clarke, . 
Richard Gardiner, . 



John Allerton, 
Thomas English, 
Edward Dotey, . 
Edward Leister, . 



The signers of the compact are in all forty-one, and with 
their families constituted one hundred and one persons. 
"So there w^ere just 101," remarks Mr. Prince, "who sail- 
ed from Plymouth in England, and just as many arrived in 
Cape Cod Harbor. And this is the solitary number, who, 
for an undefiled conscience, and the love of pure Christi- 
anity, first left their pleasant and native land, and encoun- 
tered all the toils and hazards of a tumultuous ocean, in 
search of some uncultivated region in North Virginia, 
where they might quietly enjoy their religious liberties, 
and transmit them to posterity, in hopes that none would 
follow to disturb or vex them." 



* Soule was of Governor Winslow's family. 
Mr. Hopkins's family servants. 



Dotev and Leister were of 










A RELATION OR 

JOURNAL OF THE 

PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Plantation setled at Plimoth in 
New England. 



Inesday the sixt of September, the Wind comming 
PTTFI^ East North East, a fine small gale, we loosed from 
SHaaS ^^''"^'^*' h^"^"g beene kindly intertained and curteous- 
^ llPl ^' 'y ^^^^ ^y diuers friends there dwelling, and after 
^ '^ -M- 'iif^'iy difficulties in boysterous stormes, at length by 
m^':Qj'^M Qods prouidencc vpon the ninth of Noiiember follow- 
ing, by breake of the day we espied land which we deemed to 
be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proued. And the appearance 
of it much comforted vs, especially, seeing so goodly a Land, 
and woodded to the brinke of the sea, it caused vs to reioyce 
together, and praise God that had giuen vs once againe to see land. 
And thus wee made our course South South West, purposing to goe 
to a^uer ten leagues to the South of the Cape, but at night the 
winde being contrary, we put round againe for the Bay of Cape 
Cod ; and vpon the 11th. of Nouember, we came to an anchor in the 
Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round, 
except in the entrance, which is about foure miles ouer from land 
to land, compassed about to the very Sea with Okes, Pines, 
luniper. Sassafras, and other sweet wood ; it is a harbour wherein 
1000. saile of Ships may safely ride : there we relieued our selues 
with wood and water, and refreshed our people, while our shallop 

was 



30 NEW -ENGLAND 

was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation ; there was 
the greatest store of fovvle that euer we saw. 

And euery day we saw Whales playing hard by vs, of which 
in that place, if we had instruments & meanes to take them, we 
might haue made a very rich returne, which to our gi-eat griefe 
we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in 
fishing, professed, we might haue made three or foure thousand 
pounds worth of Oyle ; they preferred it before Greenland Whale- 
fishing, & purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here ; for 
Cod we assayed, but found none, there is good store no doubt in 
their season. Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, 
but some few little ones on the shore. We found great Mussles, 
and very fat and full of Sea pearle, but we could not eat them, 
for they made vs all sicke that did eat, as well saylers as passen- 
gers ; I they caused to cast and secure, but they were soone well 
againe.. The bay is so round & circling, that before we could 
come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compasse. 
We could not come neere the shore by three quarters of an 
English mile, because of shallow water, which was a great preiu- 
dice to vs, for our people going on shore were forced to wade a 
bow shoot or two in going aland, which caused many to get colds 
and coughs, for it was many times freezing cold weather. 

This day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not 
well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of 
faction, it was thought good there should be an association and 
agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to 
submit to such government and governours, as we should by com- 
mon consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this 
that followes word for word. 

/TN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnder- 
/JL written, the loyall Subiects of our dread soveraigne Lord 
King I A M E s, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France, 
and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. 

Having vnder-taken for the glory of God, and advancement of 
the Christian Faith, and honour of our King and Countrey, a 
Voyage to plant the first Colony in the Northerne parts of V i r- 

G I N I A, 



iN AMERICA. 31 

G I N I A, doe by these presents solemnly & mutually in the pre- 
sence of God and one of another, covenant, and combine our 
selues together into a civill body politike, for our better ordering 
and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by 
vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such iust and equall 
Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time to time, 
as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the generall 
good of the Colony ; vnto which we promise all due submission and 
obedience. In witnesse whereof we haue here-vnder subscribed 
our names. Cape Cod 11th. of November, in the yeare of the raigne 
of our soveraigne Lord King I a M e s, of England, France, and 
Ireland i 8. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 1 6 2 0- 



^ 



The same day so soone as we could, we set a-shore 1 5. or 10, 
men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ; 
as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabitants they could 
meet with. They found it to be a small neck of Land • on this 
side where we lay is the Baif, and the further side the Sea ; the 
ground or earth, sand hils, much like the Downcs in Holland, but 
much better ; the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent 
blacke earth ; all wooded with Okes, Pines, Sassafras, luniper, 
Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut ; the wood for the most 
part open and without vnder-wood, fit eitiier to goe or ride in ; at 
night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habita- 
tion, and laded their Boat with luniper, which smelled very sweet 
& strong, and of which we burnt the most part of the time we 
lay there. 

Munday the 13. of Notember, we vnshipped our Shallop and 
drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, having bin forced to 
cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was 
much opened with the peoples lying in her, which kept vs long 
there, for it was 16. or 17. dayes before the Carpenter had finish- 
ed her ; our people went on shore to refresh themselues, and our 
women to wash, as they had great need ; but whilest we lay thus 
still, hoping our Shallop would be ready in fine or sixe dayes at 
the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that 
some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better fur- 
therance 



32 N E W - E N G L A N D 

therance to travaile by Land into the Countrey ; which was not 
without appearance of danger, not having the Shallop with them, 
nor meanes to carry provision, but on their backes ; to see whether 
it might be fit for vs to seate in or no, and the rather because as 
we sayled into '^ne Harbour, there seemed to be a river opening it 
selfe into the .naine land ; the willingnes of the persons was liked, 
but the thing it selfe, in regard of the danger was rather permit- 
ted then approved, and so with cautions, directions, and instruc- 
tions, sixteene men were set out with every man his Musket, 
Sword, and Corslet, vnder the conduct of Captaine Miles Siimdish, 
vnto whom was adioyned for counsell and aduise, William Brad- 
ford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Til ley. 

Wednesday the 15. of November, they were set a shore, and 
when they had ordered themselues in the order of a single File, 
and marched about the space of a myle, by the Sea, they espyed 
fine or sixe people, with a Dogge, comming towards them, who 
were Savagos, who when they saw them ran into the Wood and 
whisled the Dogge after them, &;c. First, they supposed them to 
be master lanes, the Master and some of his men, for they were 
a-shore, and knew of their comming, but after they knew them 
to be Indians they marched after them into the Woods, least other 
of the Indians should lie in Ambush ; but \\hen the Indians saw 
our men following them, they ran away with might and mayne 
and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the 
way they intended to goe, but they could not come neare them. 
Th'jy followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of 
their footings, and saw iiow they had come the same way they 
went, and at a turning perceived how they run vp an hill, to see 
whether they followed them. At length night came vpon them, 
and they were constrained to take vp their lodging, so they set 
forth three Sentinells, and tlie rest, some kindled a fire, and 
Nov 16 others fetched wood, and thei'e held our Randc vous that 
1620. nisht. In the morning so soone as we could see the 
trace, we proceeded on our iourney, and had the tracke vntill we 
had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they tooke 
into another wood, and we after them, supposing to finde some of 
their dwellings ; but we marched thorow boughes and bushes, and 
vnder hills and vallies, which tore our very Armour in peeces, 

and 



IN AMERICA. 38 

and yet could meete with none of them, nor their houses, nor 
finds any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in 
need off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and 
our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland cheese, and a little 
Bottle of aquavite, so as we were sore a thirst. About ten a 
clocke we came into a deepe Valley, full of brush, wood-gaile, 
and long grasse, through which we found little paths or tracts, 
and there we saw a Deere, and found springs of fresh water, of 
which we were heartily glad, and sat vs downe and drunke our first 
Neio-England water with as much delight as euer we drunke 
drinke in all our liues. When we had refreshed our selues, we 
directed our course full South, that we might come to the shore, 
which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, 
that they in the ship might see where wee were (as we had dii'ec- 
tion) and so marched on towards this supposed River ; and as 
we went in another valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of fresh 
water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twise as long ; there 
grew also many small vines, and Foule and Deere haunted 
there ; there grew much Sasafras ; from thence we went on & 
founde much plaine ground, about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow, 
and some signes where the Indians had formerly planted their 
corne. 

After this, some thought it best for nearenesse of the river to 
goe downe and travaile on the Sea sands, by which meanes some 
of our men were tyred, and lagged behind ; so we stayed and 
gathered them vp, and struck into the Land againe ; where we 
found a little path to certaine heapes of sand, one whereof was 
covered with old Matts, and had a woodden thing like a morter 
whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot layd in a little hole 
at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged & found 
a Bow, and, as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten ; We 
supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed 
them graues, we put in the Bow againe and made it vp as it was, 
and left the rest vntouched, because we thought it would be odious 
vnto them to ransacke their Sepulchers. 1 We went on further 
and found new stubble, of which they had gotten Corne this yeare, 
and many Wallnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Straw- 
berries, and some Vines ; passing thus a field or two, which were 

2* not 



34 NEW -ENGLAND 

not great, we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and 
there we found where an house had beene, and foure or fine old 
Plankes laved together ; also we found a great Ketle, which had 
beene some Ships ketle and brouglit out of Europe ; there was 
also an heape of sand, made like the former, but it was newly- 
done, (we might see how they had padled it with their hands,) 
which we digged vp, and in it we found a little old Basket full of 
faire Indian Corne, and digged further <Sc found a tine great new 
Basket full of very foire corne of this yeare, with some 30. goodly 
eares of corne, some yellow, and some red, and others mixt with 
blew, which was a very goodly sight ; the Basket was round, and 
narrow at the top, it held about three or foure Bushels, which was 
as mucli as two of vs could lift vp from the ground, and was very 
handsomely and cunningly made ; But Avhilst wee were busie 
about these things, we set our men Sentinell in a round ring, all 
but two or three which digged vp the corne. We were in sus- 
pence, what to doe with it, and the Ketle, and at length after much 
consultation, we concluded to take tlie Ketle, and as much of the 
Corne as we could carry^ away with vs ; and when our Shallop 
came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with 
them, we would giue them the Ketle againe, and satisfie them for 
their Corne, so wee tooke all the eares and put a good deale of 
the loose Corne in the Ketle for two men to bring away on a 
stafTe ; besides, they that could put any into their Pockets filled 
the same ; the rest wee buried aoraine, for we were so laden with 
Armour that we could carry no more. / 

Not furre from this place we found the remainder of an old 
Fort, or Palizide, wliich as we conceiued had beene made by 
some Christians : this was also hard by that place which we 
thought had beene a river, vnto which wee went and found it so 
to be, deviding it selfe into two amies by an high banke. standing 
right by tlie cut or mouth wliich came from the Sea ; that which 
was next vnto vs was the lesse, the other arme was more then 
twise as big, and not vnlike to be an harbour for ships ; but 
whether it be a fresh river, or onely an indraught of the Sea, we 
had no time to discover ; for wee had Commandement to be out 
but two days. Here also we saw two Canoas, tlie one on the 
one side, the other on the other side ; wee could not beleeue it was 

a 



IN AMERICA. 35 

a Canoa, till we came neare it : so we returned leauing the further 
discovery hereof to our Shallop, and came that night backe againe 
to the fresh water pond, and there we made our Randevous that 
night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to windward of vs, and 
kept good watch with three Sentinells all night, euery one stand- 
ing when his turne came, while fiue or sixc inches of Match was 
burning. It proved a very rainic night. In the morning 
we tooke our Ketle and sunke it in the pond, and trimmde Nov. 
our Muskets, for few of them would goe off because of the 
wett, and so coasted the wood againe to come home, in which wc 
were shrewdly pus-led, and lost our way. As we wandred we came 
to a tree, where a j^ong Spritt was bowed downe over a bow, and 
some Acornes strewed vnder-neath ; Stephen Hopkins sayd, it had 
beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were looking at it, William 
Bradford being in the lleare, when he came looked also vpon it, 
and as he went about, it gaue a sodaine jerk vp, and he was 
immediately caught by the leg ; It was a very pretie devise, made 
with a Rope of their owne making, and having a noose as artifici- 
ally made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours 
as can be, which we brought away with vs. In the end wee got 
out of the Wood, and were fallen about a myle too high aboue 
the creakc, where we saw three Bucks, but we had rather haue 
had one of them. Wee also did spring three couple of Partridges ; 
and as we came along by the creake, wee saw great flockes of wild 
Geese and Duckes, but they were very fearefull of vs. So we 
marched some while in the Woods, some while on the sands, and 
other while in the water vp to the knees, till at length we came 
neare the Ship, and then we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boat 
came to fetch vs ; master Tones, and master Caruer being on the 
shore, with many of our people, came to meete vs. 

And thus wee came both weary and well-come home, and 
fleliuered in our Corne into the store, to be kept for seed, for wee 
knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, 
purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the Inhabitants 
of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first 
Discovery, whilst our Shallop was in repairing ; our people did 
make things as fitting as they could, and time would, in seeking 
out wood, and heluing of Tooles, and sawing of Tymber to build 



38 N E W - E N G L A N D 

a new Shallop, but the discommodiousnes of the harbour did much 
hinder vs, for we could neither goe to, nor come from the shore, 
but at high water, which was much to our hinderance and hurt, 
for oftentimes they waded to the midle of the thigh, and oft to the 
knees, to goe and come from land ; some did it necessarily, and 
some for their owne pleasure, but it brought to the most, if not to 
all, coughes and colds, the weather prouing sodainly cold and 
stormie, which afterward turned to the scurvey, whereof many 
dyed. 

When our Shallop was fit, indeed, before she was fully 

27, fitted, for there was two dayes worke after bestowed on her, 
there was appointed some 24 men of our owne, and arm- 
ed, then to goe and make a more full discovery of the rivers be- 
fore mentioned. Master Tones was desirous to goe with vs, and 
tooke such of his saylers as he thought vsefull for vs, so as we 
were in all about 34. men ; wee made master Tones our Leader, 
for we thought it best herein to gratifie his kindnes and forward- 
nes. When we were set forth, it proued rough weather and 
crosse windes, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop, 
and others in the long Boate, to row to the neerest shore the wind 
would suffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out aboue the 
knees ; the wind was so strong as the Shallop could not keepe 
the water, but was forced to harbour there that night, but we 
marched sixe or seaven miles further, and appointed the Shallop 
to come to vs as soone as they could. It blowed and did snow all 
that day & night, and frose withall : some of our people that are 
jjoy dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next 

^®- day about 11. a clocke our Shallop came to vs, and wee 
shipped our selues, and the wind being good, we sayled to the 
river we formerly discovered, which we named. Cold TTarhour, to 
which when wee came we found it not Navigable for Ships, yet 
we thought it might be a good harbour for Boats, for it flowes 
there 12. foote at high water. We landed our men betvveene the 
two creekes, and marched some foure or fiue myles by the great- 
er of them, and the Shallop followed vs ; at length night grew 
on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe the 
steepe hills, and deepe vallies, which lay halfe a foot thicke with 
snow ; Master Tones wearied with marching, was desirous we 

should 



IN AMERICA. 37 

should take vp our lodging, though some of vs would haue march- 
ed further, so we made there our Randevous for that night, vnder 
a few Pine trees, and as it fell out, wee got three fat Geese, and 
six Ducks to our Supper, which we eate with Souldiers stomacks, 
for we had eaten little all that day ; our resolution was next 
morning to goe vp to the head of this river, for we supposed it 
would proue fresh water, but in the morning our resolution held 
not, because many liked not the hillinesse of the soyle, and bad- 
nesse of the harbour : so we turned towards the other jj„y_ 
creeke, that wee might goe over and looke for the rest of ^^" 
the Corne that we left behind when we were here before ; when 
we came to the creeke, we saw the Canow lie on the dry ground, 
and a flocke of Geese in the river, at which one made a shot, and 
killed a couple' of them, and we lanched the Canow & fetcht 
them, and wheji we had done, she carryed vs over by seaven or 
eight at once. I This done, we mai'ched to the place where we 
had the corne formerly, which place we called Corne-hill ; and 
digged and found the rest, of which we were very glad : we also 
digged in a place a little further off, and found a Botle of oyle ; 
wee went to another place, which we had scene before, and dig- 
ged, and found more corne, viz. two or three Baskets full of In- 
dian Wheat, and a bag of Beanes, with a good many of faire 
Wheat-eares ; whilst some of vs were digging vp this, some 
others found another heape of Corne, which they digged vp also, 
so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serue vs suffi- 
ciently for seed.j And sure it was Gods good provi- „ 
dence that we fdfund this Corne, for els wee know not ^°'^'^, 

good 

how we should haue done, for we know not how we Provi- 

, , 1 ~ , . dence. 

should find, or meete with any of the Indians, except it be 
to doe vs a mischiefe. Also we had neuer in all likelihood scene 
a graine of it, if we had not made our first lourney ; for the 
ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frosen, that we 
were faine with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and 
carue the ground a foot deepe, and then wrest it vp with leavers, 
for we had forgot to bring other Tooles ; whilst we were in this 
imployment, foule weather being towards. Master lones was earn- 
est to goe abourd, but sundry of vs desired to make further dis- 
covery, and to find out the Indians habitations, so we sent home 

with 



38 NEW. ENGLAND 

with him our weakest people, and some that were sicke, and all 
the Corne, and 18. of vs stayed still, and lodged there that night, 
and desired that the Shallop might returne to vs next day, and 
bring vs some Mattocks and Spades with them, 
jvov. The next morning we followed certaine beaten pathes 

"^"' and tracts of the Indians into the Woods, supposing they 
would hauo led vs into some Towne, or houses ; after wee had 
gone a while, we light vpon a very broad beaten path, well nigh 
two footc broad, then we lighted all our Matches, and prepared our 
selues, concluding wee were neare their dwellings, but in the end 
we found it to be onely a path made to driue Deere in, when the 
Indians hunt, as wee supposed ; when we had marched fine or 
six myles into the Woods, and could find no signes of any people, 
we returned againe another way, and as we came into the plains 
ground, wee found a place like a graue, but it was much bigger 
and longer then any we had yet scene. It was also covered with 
boords, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to digge 
it vp, where we found, first a Matt, and vnder that a fayre Bow, 
and there another Matt, and vnder that a boord about three quar- 
ters long, finely carued and paynted, with three tynes, or broches 
on the top, like a Crowne ; also betweene the Matts we found 
Boules, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets ; at length we 
came to a faire new Matt, and vnder that two Bundles, the one 
bigger, the other lesse, we opened the greater and found in it a 
great quantitie of fine and perfect red Powder, and in it the bones 
and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it, 
rand some of the flesh vnconsumed ; there was bound vp with it 
a knife, a pack-needle, and two or three old iron things. It was 
bound vp in a Saylers canvas Casacke, and a payre of cloth 
breeches; the red Powder was a kind of Embaulment, and yield- 
ed a strong, but no ofliensiue smell ; It was as fine as any flower. 
We opened the lesse bundle likewise, and found of the same 
Powder in it, and the bones and head of a little childe; about the 
leggs, and other parts of it was bound strings, and bracelets of 
fine white Beads ; there was also by it a little Bow, about three 
quarters long, and some other odd knackes ; we brought sundry 
of the pretiest things away with vs, and covered the Corps vp 
againe. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found 

no 



IN AMERICA. 39 

no more Corne, nor any things els but graues : There was varie- 
tie of opinions amongst vs about the embahned person ; some 
thought it was an Indian Lord and King : others sayd, the Indians 
haue all blacke hayre, and never any was seene with browne or 
yellow hayre ; some thought, it was a Christian of some speciall 
note, which had dyed amongst them, and they thus buried him 
to honour him ; others thought, they had killed him, and did it in 
triumph over him. 

Whilest we were thus ranging and searching, two of the 
Saylers, which were newly come on the shore, by chance espied 
two houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people were 
gone. They having their peeces, and hearing no body, entred the 
houses, and tooke out some things, and durst not stay but came 
againe and told vs ; so some scaven or eight of vs went with 
them, and found how we had gone within a slight shot of them 
before. The houses were made with long yong Sapling trees, 
bended and both ends stucke into the ground ; they were made 
round, like vnto an Arbour, and covered downe to the ground 
with thicke and well wrought matts, and the doore was not over 
a yard high, made of a matt to open ; the chimney was a wide 
open hole in the top, for which they had a matt to cover it close 
when they pleased ; one might stand and goe vpright in them, in 
the midst of them were foure little trunches knockt into the 
ground, and small stickes laid over, on which they hung their Pots, 
and what they had to seeth ; round about the fire they lay on 
matts, which are their beds. The houses were double matted, 
for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer 
& fairer matts. In the houses we found wooden Boules, Trayes 
& Dishes, Earthen Pots, Hand baskets made of Crab shells, 
wrought together ; also an English Paile or Bucket, it wanted a 
bayle, but it had two Iron cares : there was also Baskets of sun- 
dry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some courser : some 
were curiously wrought with blacke and white in pretie workes, 
and sundry other of their houshold stuffe : we found also two or 
three Deercs heads, one whereof had bin newly killed, for it was 
still fresh ; there was also a company of Deeres feete stuck vp 
in the houses. Harts homes, and Eagles clawes, and sundry such 
like things there was : also two or three Baskets full of parched 

Acornes, 



40 NEW-ENGLAND 

Acornes, peeces of fish, and a peece of a broyled Hering. We 
found also a little silke grasse, and a littlo Tobacco seed, with 
some other seeds which wee knew not ; without was sundry bun- 
dles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stuffe to make 
matts ; there was thrust into an hollow tree, two or three peeces 
of Venison, but we thought it fitter for the Dogs then for vs : some 
of the best things we tooke away with vs, and left the houses 
standing still as they were ; so it growing towards night, and the 
tyde almost spent, we hasted with our things downe to the Shallop, 
and got abourd that night, intending to haue brought some Beades, 
and other things to haue left in the houses, in signe of Peace, and 
that we meant to truk with them, but it was not done, by meanes 
of our hastie comming away from Cape Cod, but so soone as we 
can meete conveniently with them, we will giue them full satis- 
faction. Thus much of our second Discovery. 

Having thus discovered this place, it was controversall amongst 
vs, what to doe touching our aboad and setling there ; some thought 
it best for many reasons to abide there. 

As first, that there was a convenient harbour for Boates, though 
not for Ships. 

Secondly, Good Corne-ground, rcadie to our hands, as we saw 
by experience in the goodly corne it yeelded, which would againe 
agree with the ground, and be naturall seed for the same. 

Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing, for 
we saw daily great Whales of the best kind for oyle and bone, 
come close aboord our Ship, and in fayre weather swim and play 
about vs ; there was once one when the Sun shone warme, came 
and lay aboue water, as if she had beene dead, for a good while 
together, within halfe a Musket shot of the Ship, at which two 
were prepared to shoote, to see whether she would stir or no ; he 
that gaue fire first, his JVIusket flew in peeces, both stocke and 
barrell, yet thankes be to God, neither he nor any man els was 
hurt with it, though many were there about, but when the Whale 
saw her time she gaue a snuffe and away. 

Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthfull, secure, and 
defensible. 

But the last and especiall reason was, that now the heart of 
Winter and unseasonable weather was come vpon vs, so that we 

could 



IN AMERICA. 41 

could not goe vpon coasting and discovery, without danger of 
loosing men and Boat, vpon which would follow the overthrow 
of all, especially considering what variable windes and sodaine 
stormes doe there arise. Also cold and wett lodging had so 
taynted our people, for scarce any of vs were free from vehe- 
ment coughs, as if they should continue long in that estate, it 
would indanger the Hues of many, and breed diseases and infec- 
tion amongst vs. Againe, we had yet some Beere, Butter, Flesh, 
and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone, and 
then we should haue nothing to comfort vs in the great labour 
and toyle we were like to vnder-goe at the first. It was also con- 
ceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the Ship would 
stay with vs, but when that grew low, they would be gone, and 
let vs shift as we could. 

Others againe, vrged greatly the going to Anguum or Aggnwam, 
Angoum, a place twentie leagues off to the North-wards, Ipswich, 
which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for Ships ; better 
ground and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, there 
might be hard by vs a farre better seate, and it should be a great 
hindrance to seate where wee should remoue againe. Thirdly, 
The water was but in ponds, and it was thought there would be none 
in Summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be 
fetched vp a steepe hill : but to omit many reasons and replies 
vsed heere abouts ; It was in the ende concluded, to make some 
discovery within the Bay, but in no case so farre as Angoum : 
besides, Robert Copjnn our Pilot, made relation of a great Navi- 
gable River and good harbour in the other head-land of this Bay, 
almost right over against Cape Cod, being a right line, not much 
aboue eight leagues distant, in which hee had beene once : and be- 
cause that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking, 
stole a harping Iron from them, they called it theeuish harbour. 
And beyond that place they were enioyned not to goe, whereupon, 
a Company was chosen to goe out vppon a third discovery : whilest 
some were imployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistris 
White was brought to bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine. 

The fift day, we through Gods mercy escaped a great danger 
by the foolishnes of a Boy, one of Francis BiUingtons Sonnes, who 
in his Fathers absence, had got Gun-powder, and had shot off a 

peice 



42 NEW-ENGLAND 

peice or two, and made squibs, and there being a fowling peice 
charged in his fathers Cabbin, shot her off in the Cabbin, there 
being a little barrell of powder halfe full, scattered in and about 
the Cabbin, the fire being within foure foote of the bed betweene 
the Deckes, and many flints and Iron things about the Cabbin, 
and many people about the fire, and yet by Gods mercy no harme 
done. 

Dec. G. Wednesday, the sixt of December, it was resolved our 
^' ■ discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too fowle 
weather, and so they did, though it was well ore the day ere all 
things could be readie : So ten of our men were appointed, who 
were of themselues willing to vndertake it, to wit. Captains 
Standish, Maister Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winsloe, 
lohn Tilley, Edward Tilley, lohn HouJand, and three of London, 
Richard Warren, Steeuen Hopkins and Edward Doife, and two of 
our Sea-men, lohn Alderton and Thomas English ; of the Ships 
Company there went two of the Masters Mates, Master Clarke 
and Master Copin, the Master Gunner, and three Saylers. The 
narration of which Discovery, foUowes, penned by one of the 
Company. 

Wednesday the sixt of December wee set out, being very cold 
and hard weather, wee were a long while after we launched from 
the ship, before we could get cleare of a sandie poynt, which lay 
within lesse then a furlong of the same. In which time, two 
were very sicke, and Edioard Tilley had like to haue sounded 
with cold ; the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death, (but hope of 
truking made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the 
next night ; at length we got cleare of the sandy poynt, and got 
vp our sayles, and within an houre or two we got vnder the 
weather shore, and then had smoother water and better sayling, 
but it was very cold, for the water frose on our clothes, and made 
them many times like coats of Iron : wee sayled sixe or seaven 
leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creeke, at length 
wee mett with a toiigue of Land, being flat off from the shore, 
with a sandy poynt, we bore vp to gaine the poynt, & found 
there a fayre income or rode, of a Bay, being a league over at 
the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but wee made 
right over to the land before vs, and left the discovery of this 

Income 



IN AMERICA. 43 

Income till the next flay.: as we drew neare to the shore, wee 
espied some ten or twelue Indians, very busie about a blacke 
thing, what it was we couhl not tell, till afterwards they saw vs, 
and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying some thing 
away : wee landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe 
to put a shore any where, it lay so full of flat sands : when we 
came to shore, we made vs a Baricado, and got fire wood, and set 
out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to our lodging, such as it was ; 
we saw the smoke of the fire which the Savages made that night, 
about foure or fine myles from vs. 

In the morning we devided our company, some eight in the p^^ y 
Shallop, and the rest on the shore went to discouer this place, i^'^"- 
but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either river or creeke 
comming into it, yet we deemed it to be as good an harbour as 
Cape Cod, for they that sounded it, found a ship might ride in fiue 
fathom water: wee on the land found it to be a levill soyle, but none 
of the fruitfuUcst ; wee saw two beckes of fresh water, which were 
the first running streams that we saw in the Country, but one might 
stride over them : we found also a great fish, called a Grampus, 
dead on the sands ; they in the Shallop found two of them also in 
the bottome of the bay, dead in like sort ; they were cast vp at high 
water, and could not get off" for the frost and ice ; they were some 
fiue or sixe paces long, and about two inches thicke of fat, and 
fleshed like a Swine ; they would haue yeelded a great deale of 
oyle, if there had beene time and meanes to haue taken it ; so we 
finding nothing for our turne, both we and our Shallop returned. 
We then directed our course along the Sea-sands, to the place 
where we first saw the Indians ; when we were there, we saw it 
was also a Grampus which they were cutting vp ; they cut it into 
long rands or peeces, about an ell long, and two handfull broad ; 
wee found here and there a pecce scattered by the way, as it 
seemed, for hast ; this place the most were minded we should call, 
the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them there : wee 
followed the tract of the Indians bare feete a good way on the 
sands, at length we saw where they strucke into the Woods by 
the side of a Pond : as wee went to view the place, one sayd, hee 
thought hee saw an Indian-housQ among the trees, so went vp to 
see : and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till 

night, 



44 NEW- ENGLAND 

night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke : so we light on a 
path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods : 
at length wee found where Corne had beene set, but not that yeare : 
Anone we found a great burying place, one part whereof was 
incompassed with a large Palazado, like a Church-yard, with 
yong spires foure or fine yards long, set as close one by another 
as they could, two or three foot in the ground : within it was full of 
Graues, some bigger, and some lesse, some were also paled about, 
& others had like an Indian-house made over them, but not 
matted : those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne- 
hill, yet we digged none of them vp, but onely viewed them, and 
went our way ; without the Palazado were graues also, but not so 
costly : from this place we went and found more Corne ground, 
but not of this yeare. As we ranged we light on foure or fiue 
Indian-houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but they were 
vncovered, and had no matts about them, els they were like those 
we found at Corne-hill, but had not beene so lately dwelt in : there 
was nothing left but two or three peeces of old matts, a little sedge, 
also a little further we found two Baskets full of parched Acorns 
hid in the ground, which we supposed had beene Corne when we 
beganne to dig the same ; we cast earth thereon againe & went 
our way. 

All this while we saw no people, wee went ranging vp and downe 
till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the 
woods, that we might come to our Shallop, which when we were 
out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and call'd them to come 
vnto vs, the which they did as soone as they could, for it was not yet 
high water. They were exceeding glad to see vs, (for they feared 
because they had not seene vs in so long a time) thinking we would 
haue kept by the shoreside ; so being both weary and faint, for we 
had eaten nothing all that day, we fell to make our Randevous and 
get fire wood, which always cost vs a great deale of labour : by that 
time we had done, & our Shallop come to vs, it was within night, 
and we fed vpon such viclualls as we had, and betooke vs to our 
rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a 
great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme ! So 
we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets, and noyse 
ceased ; we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues or Foxes, 

for 



IN AMERICA. 45 

for one told vs, hee had heard such a noise in New-found-land. 
About fiue a clocke in the morning wee began to be stirring, and 
two or three which doubted whether their Peeces would goe p^g g_ 
ofT or no, made tryall of them, and shot them off, but ^^-°- 
though at nothing at all. 

After Prayer we prepared our selues for brek-fast, and for a jour- 
ney, and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was thought 
meet to carry the things downe to the Shallop : some sayd, it was 
not best to carry the Armour downe, others sayd, they would be 
readier ; two or three sayd, they would not carry theirs, till they 
went themselues, but mistrusting nothing at all : as it fell out, the 
water not being high enough, they layd the things downe vpon 
the shore, & came vp to brek-fast. Anone, all vpon a sudden, 
we heard a great & strange cry, which we knew to be the same 
voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company being 
abroad came running in, and cryed. They are men, Indians, 
Indians; and withall, their arrowes came flying amongst vs, our 
men ran out with all speed to recover their armes, as by the good 
Providence of God they did. In the meane time. Cap. our first 
taine 3Iiles Standish, having a snaphance ready, made a ^uh the 
shot, and after him another ; after they two had shot, other Indians. 
of vs were ready, but he wisht vs not to shoot, till we could take 
ayme, for we knew not what need we should haue, & there were 
foure onely of vs, which had their armes there readie, and stood 
before the open side of our Baricado, which was first assaulted ; 
they thought it best to defend it, least the enemie should take it 
and our stuffe, and so haue the more vantage against vs : our care 
was no lesse for the Shallop, but we hoped all the rest would 
defend it ; we called vnto them to know how it was with them, 
and they answered. Well, Well, every one, and be of good 
courage : we heard three of their Peeces goe off, and the rest 
called for a fire-brand to light their matches ; one tooke a log out 
of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it vnto them, 
which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The 
cry of our enemies was dreadfuU, especially, when our men ran 
out to recover their Armes, their note was after this manner. 
Woaih woach ha ha hach woach : our men were no sooner come 
to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to assault them. 

There 



46 NEW-ENGLAND 

There was a lustie man and no whit lesse valiant, who was 
thought to bee their Captaine, stood behind a tree within halfe a 
musliet shot of vs, and there let his arrowes fly at vs ; hee was 
seene to shoote three arrowes, which were all avoyded, for he at 
whom the first arrow was aymed, saw it, and stooped downe and 
it flew over him, the rest were avoyded also : he stood three shots 
of a Musket, at length one tooke as he sayd full ayme at him, 
after which he gaue an extraordinary cry and away they went 
all ; wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but wee left sixe 
to keepe our Shallop, for we were carefull of our businesse : then 
wee shouted all together two severall times, and shot off a couple 
of muskets and so returned : this wee did that they might see wee 
were not afrayd of them nor discouraged. 

Thus it pleased God to vanquish our Enemies and giue vs deli- 
Dec. 8. verance : by their noyse we could not guesse that they were 
, 1620. jggg ^Yien thirty or forty, though some thought that they were 
many more ; yet in the dark of the morning, wee could not so well 
discerne them among the trees, as they could see vs by our fire side: 
we tooke vp 18. of their arrowes which we haue sent to England by 
Master lones, some whereof were headed with brasse, others with 
Harts borne, & others with Eagles clawes : many more no doubt 
were shot, or these we found, were almost covered with leaues : yet 
by the especiall providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt vs, 
though many came close by vs, and on every side of vs, and some 
coates which hung vp in our Baricado, were shot through and 
through. So after wee had given God thankes for our deliver- 
ance, wee tooke our Shallop and went on our lourney, and called 
this place, The first Encounter : from hence we intended to haue 
sayled to the aforesayd theeuish Harbour, if wee found no con- 
venient Harbour by the way : having the wind good, we sayled 
all that day along the Coast about 15. leagues, but saw neither 
River nor Creeke to put into ; after we had sayled an houre or 
two, it began to snow and raine, and to be bad weather ; about 
the midst of the afternoone, the winde increased and the Seas 
began to be very rough, and the hinges of the rudder broke, so 
that we could steere no longer with it, but two men with much 
adoe were faine to serue with a couple of Oares ; the Seas were 
growne so great, that we were much troubled and in great danger, 

and 



IN AMERICA. 47 

and night grew on : Anon Master Coppin bad vs be of good cheere, 
he saw the Harbour ; as we'drew neare, the gale being stifFe, and we 
bearing great sayle to get in, split our Mast in 3, peices, and were 
like to haue cast away our Shallop, yet by Gods mercy recovering 
our selues, wee had the floud with vs, and struck into the Harbour. 
Now he that thought that had beene the place was deceived, it 
being a place where not any of vs had beene before, and com- 
ming into the Harbour, he that was our Pilot did beare vp North- 
ward, which if we had continued wee had beene cast away ; yet 
still the Lord kept vs, and we bare vp for an Hand before vs, and 
recovering of that Hand, being compassed about with many 
Rocks, and darke night growing vpon vs, it pleased the Divine 
providence that we fell vpon a place of sandy ground, where our 
Shallop did ride safe and secure all that night, and comming vpon 
a strange Hand kept our watch all night in the raine vpon that 
Hand : and in the morning we marched about it, & 
found no Hihabitants at all, and here wee made our ^'ec^'g^' 

Randevous all that day, being Saturday. 

10. of December, on the Sabboth day wee rested, Monday, Dec. 
and on Munday we sounded the harbour, and found Forefathers' 
it a very good Harbour for our shipping ; we marched ^'^y- 

also into the Land, and found divers corne fields, and little run- 
ning brookes, a place very good for scituation, so we returned to 
our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people, which 
did much comfort their hearts. 

On the fifteenth day, we waighed Anchor, to go to the place 
we had discovered, and comming within two leagues of prjij^y 
the Land, we could not fetch the Harbour, but were faine ^^'^- ^^^ 
to put roome againe towards Cape Cod, our course lying West ; 
and the wind was at North west, but it pleased God that the next 
day being Saturday the 16. day, the winde came faire, and wee 
put to Sea againe, and came safely into a safe Harbour ; and 
within halfe an houre the winde changed, so as if we had beene 
letted but a little, we had gone backe to Cape Cod. This Har- 
bour is a Bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly 
Land, and in the Bay, 2. fine Hands vninhabited, wherein are 
nothing but wood, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasifras, Vines, 
and other trees which wee know not ; This Bay is a most hopefull 

place, 



48 NEW-ENGLAND 

place, innumerable store of fowlc, and excellent good, and cannot 
but bee of fish in their seasons : Skote, Cod, Turbot, and Herring, 
wee haue tasted of ; abundance of Musics the greatest & best that 
ever we saw ; Crabs and Lobsters, in their time infinite. It is in 
fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke. 

Dec 18 Munday the 18. day, we went a land, manned with the 
^^''^- Maister of the Ship, and 3. or 4. of the Saylers ; we 
marched along the coast in the woods, some 7. or 8. mile, but saw 
not an Indian nor an Indian house, only we found where formerly, 
had beene some Inhabitants,and where they had planted their corne : 
we found not any Navigable River, but 4. or 5. small running 
brookes of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the Sea : The 
Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent blacke 
mold and fat in some places, 2. or 3. great Oakes but not very 
thicke, Pines, Wal-nuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, HoUey, Asp, 
Sasifras, in abundance, & Vines euery where. Cherry trees. 
Plum trees, and many other which we know not ; many kinds of 
hearbes, we found heere in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innu- 
merable, Sorrell, Yarow, Caruell, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water- 
cresses, great store of Leekes, and Onyons, and an excellent 
strong kind of Flaxe, and Hempe ; here is sand, gravell, and 
excellent clay no better in the Worlde, excellent for pots, and 
will wash like sope, and great store of stone, though somewhat 
soft, and the best water that ever we drunke, and the Brookes now 
begin to be full of fish ; that night many being weary with 
marching, wee went abourd againe. 
Dec. 19. The next morning being Tuesday the 19. of December, 

^^^'^' wee went againe to discover further ; some went on Land, 
and some in the Shallop ; the land we found as the former day we 
did, and we found a Creeke, and went vp three English myles, a 
very pleasant river ; at full Sea, a Barke of thirty tonne may 
goe vp, but at low water scarce our Shallop could passe : this 
place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so farre 
from our fishing our principall profit, and so incompassed with 
woods, that we should bee in much danger of the Salvages, and 
our number being so little, and so much ground to cleare, so as 
wee thought good to quit and cleare that place, till we were of 
more strength ; some of vs hauing a good minde for safety to 

plant 



IN AMERTCA. 49 

plant in the greater lie, woo crossed tlic Hay wliich lliero is fiuo 
or sixe myles oucr, and found the lie aljout a niylo and a lialfe, 
or two myles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but 2. or 3. 
pits, that we doubted of fresh water in Summer, and so full of 
wood, as we could hardly clearc so much as to serue vsforCorno, 
besides wee iudged it coldo for our Corne, and some part very 
rockie, yet diuers thought of it <is a place defensible, and of great 
securitie. 

That night we returned againe a ship boord, with resolution the 
next morning to setle on some of those places. So in the 
niornhig, after we had called on God for direction, we came to 
this resolution, to goe presently ashore againe, and to take a better 
view of two places, which wee thouglit most fitting for vs, for we 
could not now take time for further search or consideration, our 
victuals being much spent, especially^ our Beere, and it being 
now the 19. of December. After our landing and viewing of the 
places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most 
voyces, to set on the maine Land, on the first place, on an high 
ground, where there is a great dealc of Land cleared, and hath 
becne planted with Corne three or four yeares ugoe, and there is 
a very sweet brooke runnes vnder the hill side, and many deli- 
cate springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where we 
may harbour our Shallops and Boatcs exceeding well, and in this 
brooke much good fish in their seasons: on the further side of the 
river also much Corne ground cleared : in one field is a great hill, 
on which wee poynt to make a plat-forme, .and plant our Ordi- 
nance, which will command all round about; from thence we may 
see into the Bay, and farre into the Sea, and we may see thence 
Cape Cod: our greatest labour will be fetching of our wood, 
which is halfe a quarter of an English myle, but there is enough 
so farre off; what people inhabite here we yet know not, for as 
yet we haue scene none, so there we made our Randevous, and 
a place for some of our people about twentie, resolving in the 
morning to come all ashore, and to build houses : but the 
next morning, being Thursday the 2L of Dccemhcr, it was stormie 
and wett, that we could not goe ashore, and those that remained 
there all night could doe nothing, but were wet, not having dai- 
light enough to make them a sufficient court of gard, to kcepe 

3 thr>ni 



50 N E W - E N G L A N D 

thetn dry. All that niglit it blew and rayned extreamely ; it was 
so tempestuous, that the Shallop could not goe on land so soone as 
was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About 11. a Clocke 
the Shallop went olF with much adoe with provision, but could 
not returne it blew so strong, and was such foule weather, that 
we were forced to let fall our Anchor, and ride with three An- 
chors an head. 

Friday the 22. the storme still continued, that we coiild not get 
a-land, nor they come to vs aboord : this morning Good wife Al- 
derton was delivered of a sonne, but dead borne. 

Saturday the 23. so many of vs as could, went on shore, felled 
and carried tymber, to provide themselues stuffe for building. 

Sunday the 24. our people on shore heard a cry of some Sava- 
ges (as they thought) which caused an Alarm, and to stand on 
their gard, expecting an aissault, but all was quiet. 

Munday the 25. day, we went on shore, some to fell tymber, 
some to saw, some to riue, and some to carry, so no man rested 
all that day, but towards night some as they were at worke, heard 
a noyse of some Indians, which caused vs all to goe to our Mus- 
kets, but we heard no further, so we came aboord againe, and left 
some twentie to keepe the court of gard ; that night we had a sore 
storme of winde and rayne. 

Munday the 25. being Christmas day, we began to drinke 
water aboord, but at night the Master caused vs to haue some 
Beere, and so on boord we had diverse times now and then some 
Beere, but on shore none at all. 

Tuesday the 26. it was foule weather, that we could not goe 
ashore. 

Wednesday the 27. we went to worke againe. 

Thursday the 28. of Decemher, so many as could went to worke 
on the hill, where we purposed to build our platforme for our 
Ordinance, and which doth command all the plaine, and the Bay, 
and from whence we may see farre into the sea, and might be easier 
impayled, having two rowes of houses and a faire streete. So in 
the afternoone we went to measure out the' grounds, and first, we 
tooke notice how many Families they were, willing all single 
men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Familie, as they 
thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses, which was done, 

and 



IN AMERICA. 51 

nnd we reduced ihem to 19. Families; lo greater Families we 
allotted larger plots, to every person halfe a pole in breadth, and 
three in length, and so Lots were cast where euery man should 
lie, which was done, and staked out ; we thought this proportion 
was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens, to impale 
them round, considering the weaknes of our people, many of them 
growing ill with coldes, for our former Discoveries in frost and 
stormes, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakenes 
amongst vs, which increased so every day more and more, and 
after was the cause of many of their deaths. 

Fryday and Saturday, we fitted our selues for our labour, but 
our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with 
rayne and wett that day, being very stormie and cold ; we saw 
great smokes of fire made by the Indians about six or seaven 
myles from vs as we conjectured. 

Munday the first of lanuary, we went betimes to jammiy i 
worke ; we were much hindred in lying so farre off" ^''2'- 
from the Land, and faine to goe as the tyde served, that we lost 
much time, for our Ship drew so much water, that she lay a 
mylc and almost a halfe off, though a sliip of seventie Anchorage of 
or eightie tun at high water may come to the shore, the Mayflower. 

Wednesday the third of lanuary, some of our people being 
abroad, to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the In- 
dians, and were at their Corne fields, yet saw none of the Savages, 
nor had seene any of them since wee came to this Bay. 

Thursday the fourth of lanuary, Captaine Miles Sfandish with 
foure or fine more, went to see if they could meet with any of the 
Savages in that place where the fires were made ; they went to 
some of their houses, but not lately inhabited, yet could they not 
meete with any ; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and 
killed her, which was excellent meat; It was hardly to be dis- 
cerned from Mutton. 

Fryday the fifth of lanuary, one of the Saylers found aliue vpon 
the shore an Hering, which the Master had to his supper, which 
put vs in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one Cod ; we 
wanted small hookas. 

Saturday the sixt of January, Master Marten was very sicke, 
and to our iudgement, no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent 

fo 



52 NEW -ENGLAND 

for to come abourd to speake with him about his accompts, who 
came the next morning. 

Munday the eight day of lanuary, was a very Aiyre day, and 
we went betimes to worke : master Io7ies sent the Shallop as he 
had formerly done, to see where fish could be got ; they had a 
greate storme at Sea, and were in some danger, at night they 
returned with three greate Seales, and an excellent good Cod, 
which did assure vs that we should haue plentie of fish shortly. 

This day, Francis BUUngton, having the weeke before seene 
from the top of a tree on a hie hill, a great sea as he thought, 
went with one of the Masters mates to see it,: they went three 
myles, and then came to a great water, devided into two great 
Lakes, the bigger of them fiue or sixe myles in circuit, and in it 
an He of a Cable length square, the other three, miles in com- 
passe ; in their estimation they are fine fresh water, full of fish, 
and foule ; a brooke issues from it, it will be an excellent helpe 
for vs in time. They found seaven or eight Indian houses, but 
not lately inhabited ; when they saw the houses they were in some 
feare, for they were but two persons and one peece. 

Tuesday the 9. lanuary, was a reasonable faire day, and wee 
went to labour that day in the building of our Towne, in two rowes 
of houses for more safety : we devided by lott the plot of ground 
whereon to build our Towne : After the proportion formerly allot- 
ted, wee agreed that every man should build his owne house, think- 
ing by that course, men would make more hast than working in 
conmion ; the common house, in which for the first, we made our 
Rendevous, being neere finished wanted onely couering, it being 
about 20. foote square : some should make morter, and some 
gather thatch, so that in foure days halfe of it was thatched; frost 
and foule weather hindred vs much ; this time of the yeare sel- 
dome could wee worke halfe the weeke. 

Thursday the eleuenth, William Bradford being at worke, 
(for it was a faire day) was vehemently taken with a griefe and 
paine, and so shot to his huckle-bone. It was doubted that he 
would haue instantly dyed : hee got colde in the former discove- 
ries, especially the last, and felt some paine in his anckles by 
times, but he grew a little better towards night and in time through 
Gods mercie in the vse of meanes recovered. 

Friday 



IN AMERICA, 53 

f'riday the 12. we went to worke, but about noone, janunry 12, 
it began to raine, that it forced vs to giue over worke. ^''"^" 

This day, two of our people put vs in great sorrow and care. 
There was 4. sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning, and two 
of them, lohn Goodman and Pete)' Browne, having cut thatch all the 
fore-noone, went to a further place, and willed the other two, to 
binde vp that which was cut and to follow them ; so they did, 
being about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation : but when 
the two came after, they could not fmde them, nor heare any 
thing of them at all, though they hallowed and shouted as loud 
as they could ; so they returned to the Company and told them 
of it : whereupon Master Carver & three or foure more went to 
seek them , but could heare nothing of them, so they returning, 
sent more, but that night they could heare nothing at all of them ; 
the next day they armed 10. or 12. men out, verily thinking the 
Indians had surprised them , they went seeking 7. or 8. miles, 
but could neither see nor heare any thing at all, so they re- 
turned with much discomfort to us all. These two that were 
missed, at dinner time tooke their meate in their hands, and 
would goe walke and refresh themselues ; so going a litle off they 
finde a lake of water, and having a great Mastiffe bitch with them 
and a Spannell ; by the water side they found a great Deere, the 
Dogs chased him , and they followed so farre as they lost them- 
selues, and could not finde the way backe ; they wandred all that 
after-noone being wett, and at night it did freeze and snow ; they 
were slenderly apparelled and had no weapons but each one his 
Cicle, nor any victuals ; they ranged vp and downe and could 
finde none of the Salvages habitations ; when it drew to night 
they were much perplexed, for they could finde neither harbour 
nor meate, but in frost and show, were forced to make the earth 
their bed, and the Element their covering : and another thing did 
very much terrific them, they heard as they thought two Lyons 
roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they 
thought was very nere them ; so not knowing what to do, they 
resolved to climbe vp intg a tree as their safest refuge, though 
that would proue an intollerable colde lodging ; so they stoode at 
the trees roote, that when the Lyons came they might take their 
opportunitie of climbing vp ; the bitch they were faine to hold by 

the 



54 N E W . E N G L A N D 

the necke, for shee would liaue beene gone to the Lyon ; but it 
pleased God so to dispose, that the wilde Beastes came not : so 
they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night , it was an ex- 
treame colde night. So soone as it was light they trauailed againe, 
passing by many lakes and brookes and woods , and in one place 
where the Salvages had burnt the space of 5. myles in lengtli , 
which is a fine Champion Countrcy, and even. In the after-noone, 
it pleased God from an high Hill they discovered the two lies in 
the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to 
faint with travaile and want of victuals , and almost famished 
with colde. lolm Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his 
feete they were so swelled with colde, and it was a long while 
after, ere he was able to goe ; those on the shore were much com- 
forted at their returne, but they on ship-boord were grieved 
as deeming them lost ; but the next day being the 14. of 
January, in the morning about sixe of the clocke, the winde being 
very great, they on ship-boord spied their great new Randevous 
on fire, which was to them a new discomfort , fearing because of 
the supposed losse of the men, that the Salvages had fiered them, 
neither could they presently goe to them for want of water, but 
after 3. quarters of an houre they went , as they had purposed 
the day before to keepe the Sabboth on shore , because now there 
was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard 
good tidings of the returne of the 2. men, and that the house was 
fiered occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch, which 
instantly burned it all vp, but the roofe stood and little hurt ; the 
most losse was Maister Carvers and William Bradford^, who then 
lay sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speede, had 
beene blowne vp with powder : but through Gods mercy they 
had no harme ; the house was as full of beds as they could lie one 
by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed.be God there 
was no harme done. 

Munday the 15. day, it rayned much all day, that they on ship- 
boord could not goe on shore, nor they on shore doe any labour 
but were all wet. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very faire Sun-shinie 
dayes, as if it had beene in Aprill, and our people so many as 
were in health wrought chearefully. 

The 



IN AMERICA. 55 

The 19. day, we resolved to make a Shed, to put our common 
provision in, of which some were r.lrcadie set on shore, but at 
noone it rayned, that we could not worke. This day in the eve- 
ning, lolm Goodman went abroud to vso his lame feete, that were 
pittil'ully ill with the col(^he had got, having a little Spannell with 
him ; a little way from the Plantation, two great Wolues ran after 
the Dog, the Dog ran to him and betwixt his leggs for succour ; he 
had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a sticke, and threw at one of 
them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came 
ttgaine : he got a paile bord in his hand, and they sat both on their 
ttiyles, grinning at him, a good while, and went their way, and 
left him. 

Saturday 20. we made vp our Shed for our common goods. 

Sunday the 21. we kept our meeting on Land. 

Munday the 22. was a faire day, we wrought on our houses, 
and in the after-noone carried vp our hogsheads of meale to 
our common store-house. 

The rest of tlie weeke we followed our businesse likewise. ' 

Munday the 29. in the morning cold frost and sleete, but after 
reasonable fayre ; both the long Boate and the Shallop brought 
our common goods on shore. 

Tuesday and Wednesday 30. and 31. of lamiary, cold frosty 
weatlier and sleete, that we could not worke : in the morning the 
Master and others saw two Savages, that had beene on the Hand 
nere our Ship, what they came for wee could not tell, they were 
going so farre backe againe before they were descried, that we 
could not spcake with them. 

Sunday the 4. of Fcbntanj, was very wett and rainie, with the 
greatest gusts of winde that ever we had since wee came forth, 
that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in dan- 
ger, because our Ship was light, the goods taken out, and she vn- 
ballased ; and it caused much daubingof our houses to fall downe. 

Fryday the 9. still the cold weather continued, that wee could 
doe little worke. That after-noone our little house for our sicke 
people was set on fire by a sparke that kindled in the roofc, but 
no great harme was done. That evening the master going ashore, 
killed hue Geese, which he friendly distributed among the sicke 
people; he found also a good Deere killed, the Savages had cut 



56 N E W - E N G L A N D 

off the Jiornts, Riid a Wolfe was eating of him ; how he came 
there we could not conceiuc. 

Friday the 16. day, was a faire day, but tlie northerly wind 
continued, which continued the frost. This day after-noone one of 
our people being a fouling, and having t^ken a stand by a creeke 
side in the Reeds, about a myle and an halfe from our Plantation, 
there came by him twelue Ivdians, marching towards our Plan- 
tation, & in the woods he heard the noyse of many more. He lay 
close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he 
went home & gaue the Alarm ; so the people abroad in the woods 
returned & armed themselues, but saw none of them, onely to- 
ward, the euening they made a great fire, about the place where 
they were first discovered : Captaine Miles Slandisk, and Francis 
Cooke, being at worke in the Woods, comming home, left their 
tooles behind them, but before they returned, their tooles were 
taken away by the Savages. This comming of the Savages gaue 
vs occasion to keepe more strict watch, and to make our peeces 
and furniture readie, w hicli by the moysture and rayne were out 
of temper. 

Saturday the 17. day, in tlic morning we called a meeting for 
the establishing of military Orders amongst our selues, and we 
chose Miles Standish our Captaine, and gaue him authoritie of 
connnand in afl'ayres : and as we were in consultation here abouts, 
two Savages presented themselues vpon the top of an hill, over 
against our Plantation, about a quarter of a myle and lesse, and 
made signes vnto vs to come vnto them ; we likewise made signes 
vnto them to come to vs, whereupon we armed our selues, and 
stood readie, and sent two over the brooke towards them, to wit, 
Captaine Standish and Slei^'en Hopkins, who went towards them : 
onely one of them had a Musket, which they layd downe on the 
ground in their sight, in signe of peace, and to parley with them, 
but the Savages would not tarry their comming ; a noyse of a 
great many more was heard behind the hill, but no more came in 
sight. This caused vs to plant our great Ordinances in places 
most convenient. 

Wednesday the 21. of Fehruary, the master came on shore 
with many of his Saylers, and brought with him one of the great 
Peeces, called a Minion, and helped vs to draw it vp the hill, 

with 



IN AMERICA. 57 

with another Peece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a 
sailer and two bases ; he brought with him a very fat Goose to 
eate with vs, and we had a fat Crane, and a Mallerd, and a dry'd 
neats-tongue, and so wee were kindly and friendly together. 

Saturday the third of March, the winde was South, the morn- 
ing mistie, but towai'ds noone warme and fayre weather ; the 
Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly ; at one of the Clocke it 
thundred, which was the first wee heard in that Countrey, it was 
strong and great claps, but short, but after an houre it rayned 
very sadly till midnight. 

Wednesday the seaventh of March, the wind was full East, cold, 
but faire ; that day Master Carver with fiue other went to the 
great Ponds, which seeme to be excellent fishing-places ; all the 
way they went they found it exceedingly beaten and haunted 
with Deere, but they saw none ; amongst other foule, they saw 
one a milke white foule, with a very blacke head : this day some 
garden seeds were so wen. 

Fiyday the 16. a fayre warme day towards ; this morning we 
determined to conclude of the military Orders, which we had be-" 
gan to consider of before, but were interrupted by the Savages, 
as we mentioned formerly ; and whilst we were busied here about, 
we were interrupted againe, for there presented himself a Savage, 
which caused an Alarm; he very boldly came all alone and along 
the houses straight to the Randevous, where we intercepted him, 
not suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would, out of his 
boldnesse. Hee saluted vs in English, and bad vs well-come, for 
he had learned some broken English amongst the English men 
that came to fish at Monchiggon, and knew by name the most of 
the Captaines, Commanders, & Masters, that vsually come. He 
was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde, 
and of a seemely carriage ; we questioned him of many things ; he 
was the first Savage we could meete withall ; he sayd he was not 
of these parts, but of Moraitiggon, and one of the Sagamores or 
Lords tliereof, and had beene 8. moneths in these parts, it lying 
hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and fiue dayes by land j 
he discoursed of the whole Countiy, and of every Province, and 
of their Sagamores, and their number of men, and strength ; the 
wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horsemans coat about 

3* . him 



58 NEW-ENGLAND 

him, for lie was starke naked, onely a leather about his wast, with 
a fringe about a span long, or little more ; he had a bow & 2 ar- 
rowes, the one headed, and the other vnheaded; he was a tall 
straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, onely 
short before, none on his face at all ; he asked some beere, but 
we gaue him strong water, and bisket, and butter, and cheese, & 
pudding, and a peace of a mallerd, all which he liked well, and 
had bin acquainted with such amongst the English ; he told vs 
the place where we now liue, is called, Patttxet, and that about 
foure yeares agoe, all the Inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary 
plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor childe remaining, as 
indeed we haue found none, so as there is none to hinder our pos- 
session, or to lay claime vnto it ; all the after-noone we spent in 
communication with him, we would gladly haue beene rid of him 
at night, but he was not willing to goe this night ; then we thought 
to carry him on ship-boord, wherewith he was well content, and 
went into the Shallop, but the winde was high and water scant, 
that it could not returne backe: we lodged him that night at Ste- 
ven Hopkins house, and watched him ; the next day he went 
away backe to the Masasoits, from whence he sayd he came, who 
are our next bordering neighbours : they are sixtie strong, as he 
sayth : the NausUes are as neere South-east of them, and are a 
hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people were 
encountred, as we before related. They are much incensed and 
provoked against the English, and about eyght moneths agoe slew 
three English men, and two more hardly escaped by flight to 
Monhiggon ; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this 
Savage told vs, as he did likewise of the Huggerie, that is. Fight, 
that our discoverers had with the Nansifes, & of our tooles that 
were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be 
brought againe, otherwise, we would right our selues. These 
people are ill aflected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, 
a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them vnder 
colour of truking with them, twentie out of this very place Avhere 
we inhabite, and seaven men from the Nansifes, and carried them 
away, and sold them for slaues, like a wretched man (for 20. 
pounds a man) that cares not what mischiefe he doth for his 
profit. 

Saturday 



IN AMERICA. 59 

Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Salvage, and gaue 
him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring ; he promised within a night 
or two to come againe, and to bring with him some of the Massa- 
soyts our neighbours, with such Beuers skins as they had to trucke 
with vs. 

Saturday and Sunday reasonable fayre dayes. On this day 
came againe the Savage, and brouo;ht with him fiue other tall 
proper men ; they had every man a Deeres skin on him, and the 
principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one 
arme ; they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes, 
close made ; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather ; 
they were altogether like the Jris/t-t rouses ; they are of com- 
plexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their 
faces, on their heads long haire to their shoulders, onely cut be- 
fore, some trussed vp before with a feather, broad wise, like a 
fanne, another a fox tayle hanging out ; these left (accoi'ding to 
our charge giuen him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter 
of a myle from our Towne. We gaue them entertaynement as we 
thought was fitting them, they did eate liberally of our English 
victuals, they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie ; 
they sung & danced after their maner like Anticks ; they brought 
with them in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of 
them had about his wast) a little of their Corne pownded to Pow- 
der, which put to a little water they eate ; he had a little Tobacco 
in a bag, but none of them drunkc but when he listed ; some of 
them had their faces paynted blacke, from the forehead to the 
chin, foure or fiue fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as 
they liked ; they brought three or foure skins, but we would not 
trucke with them at all that day, but wished them to bring more, 
and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night 
or two, and would leaue these behind them, though we were not 
willing they should, and they brought vs all our tools againe 
which were taken in the Woods, in our ijiens absence, so because 
of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset 
our first acquaintance, eyther was sicke, or fayned himselfc so, 
and would not goe with them and stayed with vs till Wednesday 
morning : Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they 
came not according to their words, and we gaue him an hat, a 

pay re 



60 N E W - E N G L A N D 

payre of stockings and shooes, a shirt, and a peece of cloth to tie 
about his wast. 

The Sabboth day, when we sent them from vs, wee gaue every 
one of them some ti'ifles, especially, the principall of them ; we 
carried them along with our Amies to the place where they left 
their Bowes and Arrowes, whereat they were amazed, and two 
of them began to slinke away, but that the other called them. 
When they tooke their Arrowes, we bad them farewell, and they 
were glad, and so with many thankes giuen vs they departed, 
with promise they would eome againc. 

Munday and Tuesday proved fayre dayes, we digged our 
grounds, and sowed our garden seeds. 

Wednesday a fine warme day, we sent away Samoset. 

That day we had againe a meeting, to conclude of lawes and 
orders for our selues, and to confirme those Military Orders that 
were formerly propounded, and twise broken off by the Savages 
comming ; but so we were againe the third time ; for after we had 
beene an houre together, on the top of the hill over against vs 
two or three Savages presented themselues, that made semblance 
of daring vs, as we thought ; so Captaine Standish with anotlier, 
with their Muskets went over to them, with two of the masters 
mates that follow them without Amies, having two Muskets with 
them ; they whetted and rubbed their Arrowes and Strings, and 
inade shew of defiance, but when our men drew nere them, 
they ranne away. Thus we were againe interrupted by them ; 
this day Avith much adoe we got our Carpenter that had beene 
long sicke of the scurvey, to fit our Shallop, to fetch all from 
aboord. 

Thursday the 22. of March, was a very fayre warme day. 
About noone we met againe about our publique businesse, but we 
had scarce beene an houre together, but Sa?}wset came againe, 
and Squanio, the onely natiue of Fatuxat, where we now inhabite, 
who was one of the twentie Captiues that by Hunt were carried 
away, and had beene in England & dwelt in Cornehill with mas- 
ter lohn Slanic a Marchant, and could speake a little English, 
with three others, and they brought with them some few skinnes 
to trucke, and some red Herrings newly taken and dryed, but not 
salted, and signified vnto vs, that their great Sagamore Masasoyt 

was 



IN AMERICA. 61 

was hard by, with Quadequhia his brother, and all their men. 
They could not well cxpresse in English what they would, but 
after an houre the King came to the top of an hill over against vs, 
and had in his trayne sixtie men, that we could well behold them, 
and they vs: we were not willing to send our governour to them, 
and they vnwilling to come to vs, so Squanto went againe vnto 
him, who brought word that wee should send one to parley with 
him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his 
mind, and to signifie the mind and will of our governour, which 
was to haue trading and peace vvitli him. We sent to the King 
a payre of Kniues, and a Copper Chayne, with a lewell at it. To 
Quadequhia we sent likewise a Knife and a lewell to hang in his 
eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good quantitie of Bisket, 
and some butter, which were all willingly accepted : our Messen- 
ger made a speech vnto him, that King I a M e s saluted him with 
words of loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and 
Alie, and that our Governour desired to see him and to trucke 
with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next neigh- 
bour : he liked well of the speech and heard it attentiuely, though 
the Interpreters did not well expresse it ; after he had eaten and 
drunke himselfe, and giuen the rest to his company, he looked 
vpon our messengers sword and armour which he had on, with 
intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our mes- 
senger shewed his vnwillingnes to part with it : In the end he 
left him in the custodie of Quadequhia his brother, and came over 
the brooke, and some twentie men following him, leaving all their 
Bowes and' Arrowes behind them. We kept six or seaven as 
hostages for our messenger ; Captaine Standish and master 
Williamson met the King at the brooke, with halfe a dozen Mus- 
ketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one going over, the one 
on the one side, and the other on the other , conducted him to an 
house then in building, where we placed a greene Rugge, and 
three or foure Cushions, then instantly came our Governour 
with Drumme and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers. 
After salutations, our Governour kissing his hand, the King 
kissed him, and so they sat downe. The Governour called for 
some strong water, and drunke to him, and he drunke a great 
draught that made him sweate all the while after ; he called for a 

little 



02 N E W - E N G L A N D 

little fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did giue 
his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was; 
The agree- ^- That neyther he nor any of his should iniure or 
nients ot ^j^g hurt to anv of our people. 

piviro be- - r r 

tween vs n. And if anv of his did hurt to anv of ours, he should 

and Mass- ' - ' 

asoyt. send the offender, that we might punish him. 

3. That if any of our Tooles were taken away when our peo- 
ple were at worke, he should cause them to be restored, and if 
ours did any harme to any of his, wee would doe the like to 
them. 

4. If any did vniustly warre against him, we would ayde him ; 
If any did warre against vs, he should ayde vs. 

5. He should send to his neighbour Confederates, to cerlifie 
them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but might be likewise 
comprised in the conditions of Peace. 

6. That when their men came to vs, they should leaue their 
Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee should doe our Peeccs 
when we came to them. 

Lastly, that doing thus, King I a M E s would esteeme of him as 
his friend and Alie : all which the King seemed to like well, and 
it was applauded of his followers ; all the while he sat by the 
Governour he trembled for feare ; In his pei-son he is a very lustie 
man, in his best yeares, an able body, graue of countenance, and 
spare of speech : In his Attyre little or nothing differing from the 
rest of his followers, only in a great Chaine of white bone Beades 
about his necke, and at it behinde his necke, hangs a little bagg 
of Tobacco, which he dranke and gaue us to drinke ; his face 
was paynted with a sad red like murry, and oyled both head and 
face, that hee looked greasil}^ : All his followers likewise, were in 
their faces, in part or in whole painted, some blacke, some red, 
some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other An- 
tick workes , some had skins on them , and some naked, all strongs 
tall, all men in appearance : so after all was done, the Governour 
conducted him to the Brooke , and there they embraced each 
other and he departed : we diligently keeping our hostages, wee 
expected our messengers comming, but anon word was brought 
vs, that Qtinddcquina was comming, and our messenger was 
stayed till his returne, who presently came and a troupe with him, 

so 



IN AMERICA. 63 

so likewise wee entertained him, and convayed him to the place 
prepared ; he was very fearefuU of our pceccs, and made signes 
of dislike, that they should be carried away, whereupon Com- 
mandement was given, they should be layd away. He was a very 
proper tall young man , of a very modest and seemely counte- 
nance, and he did kindely like of our entertainement, so we con- 
vayed him likewise as wee did the King, but diuers of their peo- 
ple stayed still ; when hee was returned, then they dismissed our 
messenger. Two of his people would haue stayed all night, but 
wee would not suffer it : one thing I forgot, the King had in his 
bosome hanging in a string, a great long knife ; hee marvelled 
much at our Trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as 
well as they could ; Samoset and Squanto, they stayed al night 
with vs and the King and al his men lay all night in the woods, 
not aboue halfe an English myle from vs , and all their wiues and 
women with them : they sayd that within 8. or 9. dayes, they 
would come and set corne on the other side of the Brooke , and 
dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs ; That night we 
kept good watch , but there was no appearance of danger ; the 
next morning divers of their people came over to vs, hoping to get 
some victualcs as wee imagined, some of them told vs the King 
would haue some of vs come see him ; Caj)taine Standish and 
Isaac Alderton went venterously , who were welcommed of him 
after their manner: hegaue them three or foure ground Nuts, and 
some Tobacco. Wee cannot yet conceiue, but that he is willing 
to haue peace with vs, for they haue scene our people sometimes 
alone two or three in the woods at worke and fowling, when as 
they offered them no harme as they might easily haue done , and 
especially because hee hath a potent Adversary the Narowhiganseis, 
that are at warre with him, against wliom hee thinks wee may be 
some strength to him, for our peeces arc terrible vnto them ; this 
morning, they stayed till ten or eleuen of the Clocke, and our 
Governour bid them send the Kings kettle, and filled it full of 
pease, which pleased them well , and so they went their way. 

Fryday was a very faire day ; Samoset and Squanlo March 23 
still remained with vs, Squanlo went at noone to fish for ^^~^' 
Eeles ; at night he came home with as many as he could well lift 
in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat & 

sweet, 



64 NEW- ENGLAND 

sweet ; he trod them out with his feete, and so caught them with 
his hands without any other instrument. 

This day we proceeded on with our common businesse, from 
which we had been so often hindred by the Salvages comming, 
and concluded both of Military orders, and of some 
Lawes and Orders as wee thought behoofefull for 
our present estate, and condition, and did like- 
wise choose our Governour for this yeare , 
which was Master lolin Carver 
a man well approoved 
amonjjst vs. 



THE JOURNEY TO PACKANOKIK. 

The preceding journal ends March 23d, 1G21, with a 
record of the last business transacted that day, in the re- 
election of Mr. Carver for governor. It was little more 
than a fortnight after this, when the governor, so beloved 
and venerated by the colony, suddenly, in the midst of his 
work, sickened and died. They then chose Mr Bradford 
governor, and Mr. Isaac Allerton as his assistant. 

The next grand colonial business is that of the embassy 
to Massasoit at Packanokik, the account of which, by one 
of the ambassadors, follows immediately upon the journal. 
It will be seen as stated in the account of their pro- 
ceedings that they set forward the tenth of June, a date 
which is demonstrated to be a mistake, by conjparison 
with the after record, and with the journal of Governor 
Bradford, as given by Mr. Prince. It may have been a 
mistake of the printers, or of Mr. Morton. At any rate the 
account of the journey, as will be seen on examination, 
dating back from Saturday, the day on which they return- 
ed to Plymouth, shows that it must have commenced on 
Tuesday morning, occupying from Tuesday morning till 
Saturday night. This Tuesday, according to Prince's 
Chronology of the period, gathered from Governor Brad- 
ford's History and Register, must have been July 3d, 1621. 

The reader has already been introduced to " the great 
King Massasoit," in the previous account of the treaty of 
peace between him and Governor Bradford. The inter- 
view was brought about and managed through the friend- 
ship of Samoset and Squanto, especially the last, who 
perhaps had taught Samoset the use of that English word 
welcome, with which the savage man, in such strange un- 
expected kindness, had saluted the civilized. The treaty 
with Massasoit was a simple and primitive league of peace 



(54 THE JOURNEY TO PACKAxXOKIK. 

and friendship, and nothing had occurred for three months 
to interrupt it ; and now the cause, in part, of this new 
ambassage was the desire of the Pilgrims to make just 
restitution for the taking of the corn which they had disco- 
vered and appropriated on their first landing atCape Cod, 
intending at that time to pay for it as soon as they could 
find the owner. Massasoit, the great Sagamore, seems to 
have been a friendly man, and lie had great cause to be 
thankful for the friendshij) of the Pilgrims, as well as they 
for Ills ; but in the first interview he seems to have made 
but a " greasy" impression upon the spectators, though " an 
able body, grave of countenance and spare of speech." 
Quadequina, his brother, is presented as " a very proper, 
tall young man, of a very modest and seemly countenance." 
The warlike tribe of the Narragansetts were enemies of 
Massasoit, for which reason he was the more glad to keep 
friendship with the Pilgrims, "their pieces being terrible 
unto them." Massasoit's sovereignty ran over a wide ex- 
tent of country in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, in some 
places from bay to bay. He was the " sachem of the tribe 
possessing the country north of Narragansett Bay, and be- 
tween the rivers of Providence and Taunton."* The pre- 
sent townships of Bristol, Warren, and Barrington, were 
under Massasoit. Namasket, the first town of his sove- 
reignty through which the ambassadors passed, was the 
region of Middleborough and Bridgewater. Packanokik 
is described by Governor Bradford as about forty miles 
westward from Plymouth ; " sometimes called v^owams, 
and sometimes Pacanokik," says Mr. Prince, " which I sup- 
pose is afterwards called Mount Hope, and since named 
Bristol."t 

Thus much for the characters and localities in the fol- 
lowing narrative, which itself is one of the most interesting 
in the little collection of authentic and extraordinary pic- 
tures of savage and colonial life presented in this volume. 

• Bancroft's Hist. United States. Vol. i. p. 317. 

t Prince's New England Chronology. Vol. i. p. 102. 



07 



^o#>(5l ;''2^'.'^\^, ^T-^^' 





A 



lOVRNEY TO PACKANOKIK, 

The Habitation of the Great King 
MASSASOYT. 

As also our Message, the 

Ansivere and inlertaine- 

ment wee had of 

Him. 




seemed good to the Company for many considerations 
m to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, tJie greatest 
^ Commander amongst the Savages , bordering about vs ; 
partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, 
W'^^^ as also to see their strength, discover the Country, pre- 
vent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs, make 
satisfaction for some conceived jniuries to be done on our 
pai'ts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship 
betweene them and vs. For these, and the like ends, it pleased 
the Governour to make choice of Steven Hopkins, & Edward 
Winsloe to goe vnto him, and having a fit opportunitie, by reason 
of a Savage, called Tisquantum (that could speake English) com- 
ming vnto vs ; with all expedition provided a Horse-mans coat, of 
red Cotton, and laced with a slight lace for a present, that both 
they and their message might be the more acceptable amongst 
them. The Message was as followeth ; That forasmuch as his 
subiects came often and without feare, vpon all occasions amongst 
vs, so wee were now come vnto him , and in witnesse of the loue 
and good will the English beare vnto him, the Governour hath 
sent him a coat, desiring that the Peace and Amitie that was 
betweene them and vs might be continued, not that we feared 
tliem, but because we intended not to iniure any, desiring to Hue 
peaceably ; and as with all men, so especially with them our 
ncerest neighbours. But whereas his people came very often, 



68 NEW-ENGLAND 

and very many together vnto vs, bringing for the most part their 
wiues and children with them, they were well come ; yet we 
being but strangers*, as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plhnmoth, and 
not knowing liow our Corne might prosper, we could no longer 
giue them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired 
still to doe : yet if he would be pleased to come himselfe, or any 
speciall friend of his desired to see vs, comming from him they 
should be wellcome ; and to the end wee might know them from 
others, our Governour had sent him a copper Chayne, desiring if 
any Messenger should come from him to vs, we might know him 
by bringing it with him, and hearken and give credite to his 
Message accordingly. Also requesting him that such as haue 
skins, should bring them to vs, and that he would hinder the 
multitude from oppressing vs with them. And whereas at our 
first arrivall at Pnomet (called by vs Cape Cod) we found there 
Corne buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants but some 
graues of dead new buryed, tooke the Corne, resolving if ever we 
could heare of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction 
to the full for it, yet since we vnderstand the owners thereof were 
fled for foare of vs, our desire was either to pay them with the 
like quantitie of corne, English meale, or any other Commodities 
we had to pleasure them withall ; requesting him that some one 
of his men might signifie so much vnto them, and wee would con- 
tent him for his paines. And last of all, our Gouernour requested 
one favour of him, which was, that he would exchange some of 
their Corne for seede with us, that we might make tryall which 
best agreed with the soyle where we Hue. 

With these presents and message we set forward the tenth 
lune, about 9. a clocke in the JMorning, our guide resolving that 
night to rest at Namaschct, a Towne vnder Massasoyt, and con- 
ceived by vs to bee very neere, because the Inhabitants flocked 
so thicke vpon every slight occasion amongst vs : but wee found 
it to bee some fifteene English myles. On the way we found 
some ten or twelue men women and children, which had pestered 
vs, till wee were wearie of them, perceiving that (as the manner 
of them all is) where victuall is easiliest to be got, there they liue, 
especially in the Summer : by reason whereof our Bay affording 
many Lobsters, they resort every spring tide thither : & now re- 
turned 



IN AMERICA. 69 

turned with vs to Namascliet. Thither wc came about 3. a clock 
after noone, the Inhabitants entertaining vs with icy, in the best 
manner they could, giving vs a kinde of bread called by them 
Maizium, and the spawne of Shads, which then they got in 
abundance, in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them, with 
these they boyled mustie Acorns , but of the Shads we eate 
heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoote at a 
Crow , complaining what damage they sustained in their Corne by 
them, who shooting some fourescore off and killing , they much 
admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tis- 
quantum told vs we should hardly in one day reach Pakanokick , 
moving vs to goe some 8. myles further, where we should finde 
more store and better victuals then there : Being willing to hasten 
our lourney we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where 
we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of 
Namascliet) fishing vppon a Ware which they had made on a River 
which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse. 
These welcommed vs also , gaue vs of their fish, and we them of 
our victuals, not doubting but we should haue enough where ere 
we came. There we lodged in the open fieldes : for houses they 
had none , though they spent the most of the Summer there. The 
head of this River is reported to bee not farre from the place of 
our abode ; vpon it are, and haue beene many Townes, it being a 
good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for 
the most part cleered : Thousands of men have lived there, which 
dyed in a great plague not long since : and pitty it was and is to 
see, so many goodly fieldes, & so well seated, without men to 
dresse and manure the same. Vppon this River dwelleth Mas- 
sasoyt : It commeth into the Sea at the Narrohiganset Bay, 
where the French men so much vse. A shipp may goe many 
myles vp it, as the Salvages report, and a shallop to the head of 
it : but so farre as wee saw, wee are sure a Shallop may. 

But to returne to our lourney : The next morning wee brake 
our fast, tooke our Icaue and departed, being then accompanied 
with some sixe Salvages, having gone about sixe myles by the 
River side , at a knowne shole place, it beeing low water, they 
spake to vs to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow. 
Heere let me not forget the vallour and courrage of some of the 

Salvages, 



70 NEW-ENGLAND 

Salvages, on the opposite side of the river, for there were remain- 
ing aliue only 2. men, both aged, especially the one being aboue 
threescoure ; These two espying a company of men entring the 
River, ran very swiftly & low in the grasse to meete vs at the 
banck, where with shrill voyces and great courage standing 
charged vppon vs with their bowes, they demaunded what we 
were, supposing vs to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage 
on vs in the water : but seeing we were friends, they wel- 
commed vs with such foode as they had, and we bestowed a small 
bracelet of Beades on them. Thus farre wee are sure the Tide 
ebs and flowes. 

Having here againe refreshed our selves, we proceeded in our 
lourney, the weather being very bote for travell, yet the Country 
so w^ell watered that a man could scarce be drie, but he should 
haue a spring at liand to coole his thirst, beside smal Rivers in 
abundance : But the Salvages will not willingly drinke, but at a 
spring head. When wee came to any small Brooke where no 
bridge was, two of them desired to carry vs through of their 
owne accords, also fearing wee were or would be weary, offered 
to carry our peeces, also if we would lay off any of our clothes, 
we should haue them carried : and as the one of them had found 
more speciall kindnesse from one of the Messengers, and the 
other Salvage from the other, so they shewed their thankefulncsse 
accordingly in affording vs all helpe, and furtherance in the 
lourney. 

As we passed along, we observed that there were few places 
by the River, but had beene inhabited, by reason whereof, much 
ground was cleare , saue of weedes which grewe higher then our 
heads. There is much good Timber both Oake, Waltnut-tree, 
Firre, Beech, and exceeding great Chcssnut-trees. The Country 
in respect of the lying of it, is both Champanie and hilly, like 
many places in England. In some places its very rockie both 
aboue ground and in it : And though the Countrey bee wilde 
and over-growne with woods, yet the trees stand not thicke , but a 
man may well ride a horse amongst them. 

Passing on at length, one of the Company an Indian espied a 
man, and told the rest of it, we asked them if they feared any, 
they told vs that if they were Narrohigganset men they would 

not 



IN AMERICA. 71 

not trust them, whereat, we called for our peeces and bid them 
not to feare ; for though they were twenty, we two alone would 
not care for them : but they hayling him, hee prooved a friend, 
and had onely two women with him : their baskets were empty, 
but they fetched water in their bottels, so that we dranke with 
them and departed. After we met another man with other two 
women , which liad beenc at Randevow by the salt water, and 
their baskets were full of rosted Crab fishes, and other dryed 
shell fish, of which they gaue vs, and wee eate and dranke with 
them : and gaue each of the women a string of Beades, and 
departed. 

After wee came to a Townc of Massasoyts, where we eat Oys- 
ters and other fish. From thence we went to Packanokick, but 
Massasoyt was not at home, there we stayed, he being sent for : 
when newcs was brought of his comming, our guide Tisquantum 
requested that at our meeting, wee would discharge our peeces, 
but one of vs going aliout to charge his peece, the women and 
children through feare to see him take vpp his piece, ran away, 
and could not bee pacified, till hee layd it downe againe, who 
afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. 

Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our Peeces, and saluted 
him, who after their manner kindly wellcommed vs, and tooke 
vs into his house, and set vs downe by him, where having de- 
livered our forasayd Message, and Presents, and having put the 
Coat on his backe, and the Chayne about his necke, he was not a 
little proud to behold himselfe, and his men also to see their King 
so brauely attyred. 

For answere to our Message, he told vs we were well-come, 
and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friendship which 
was betweene him & vs : and for his men they should no more 
pester vs as they had done : Also, that he would send to Paomet, 
and would help vs with Corne for seed, according to our request. 

This being done, his men gathered necre to him, to whom he 
turned himselfe, and made a great Speech ; they sometime inter- 
posing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that lie 
sayd. The meaning whereof was (as farre as we could learne) 
thus ; Was not he Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about 
them ? Was not such a Towne his and the people of it ? and 

should 



72 NEW-ENGLAND 

should they not bring their skins vnto vs ? To which they an- 
swered, they were his & would be at peace with vs, and bring 
their skins to vs. After this manner, he named at least thirtie 
vplaces, and tlicir answere was as aforcsayd to every one : so that 
as it was delightful!, it was tedious vnto vs. 

This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell to dis- 
coursing of England, & of the Kings Maiestie, marvayling that 
he would Hue without a wife. Also he talked of the French- 
men, bidding vs not to suffer tliem to come to Narroh/'ganset, for it 
was King I a m e s his Countrey, and he also was King I a m e s his 
man. Late it grew, but victualls he offered none ; for indeed he 
had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to 
goe to rest : he layd vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife, 
they at the one end and we at the other, it being onely plancks 
layd a foot from tlie ground, and a thin Mat vpon them. Two 
more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon 
vs ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our 
iourney. 

The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or petty 
Governours came to see vs, and many of their men also. There 
they went to their manner of Games for skins and kniues. There 
we challenged them to shoote with them for skins : but they 
durst not : onely they desired to see one of vs shoote at a marke, 
who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke so 
full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought two fishes 
that he had shot, they were like Breame but three times so bigge, 
and better meate. These being boyled, there were at least fortie 
looked for share in them, the most eate of them : This meale 
onely we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of vs 
bought a Partridge, we had taken our Iourney fasting : Very im- 
portunate he was to haue vs stay with them longer : But wee de- 
sired to keepe the Sabbotli at home : and feared we should either 
be light-headed for want of sleepe, for what with bad lodging, the 
Savages barbarous singing, (for they vse to sing themselues 
asleepe) lice and fleas within doorcs, and Muskeetoes without, 
wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there ; we much 
fearing, that if wee should stay any longer, we should not be able 
to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Fryday 

morning 



IN AMERICA. 73 

morning before Sun-risiaig, we tooke our leaue and departed, 
Massasoi/t being botli griovcd and ashamed, that he could no 
better entertaine vs : and retaining Tisquantum to send from 
place to place to procure trucke for vs, and appointing another, 
called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had found faithful 1 
before and after vpon all occasions. 

At this towne of Massasoyis, where we before eate, wee were 
againe refreshed with a little fish ; and bought about a handful! 
of Meale of their parched Corne, which was very precious at that 
time of the yeere, and a small string of dryed shell-fish, as big 
as Oysters. The latter we gaue to the sixe Savages that accom- 
panied vs, keeping the Meale for our selues ; when we dranke, we 
eate each a spoonefuU of it with a Pipe of Tobacco, in stead of 
other victuals ; and of this also we could not but glue them, so 
long as it lasted. Fiue myles they led vs to a house out of the 
way in hope of victualls : but we found no body there, and so 
were but worse able to returne home. That night we reached 
to the wire where we lay-before, but the Namascheucks were re- 
turned : so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the 
Savages had shot a Shad in the water, and a small Squirrill as 
big as a Rat. called a Ncuxis, the one halfe of either he gaue vs, 
and after went to the wire to fish. From hence we wrote to Pli- 
mouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him 
from thence to send another, that he might meet vs with food at 
Namasket. Two men now onely remained with vs, and it pleased 
God to giue them good store of fish, so that we were well re- 
freshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing 
againe : more they gat and fell to eating a-fresh, and retayned 
sufficient readie rost for all our break-fasts. About two aClocko 
in the morning, arose a great storme of wind, raine, lightning, 
and thunder, in such violent manner, that we could Saturday, 
not keepe in our fire ; and had the Savages not rested " ^ 
fish when we were asleepe, we had set forward fasting : for the 
raine still continued with great violence, even the whole day 
thorow, till wee came within two miles of home. 

Being wett and weary, at length we came to Namaschet, there 
we refreshed our selues, giuing gifts to all such as had shewed 
vs any kindpesse, Amongst others one of the sixe that came with 

4 vs 



74 N E W - E N G L A N D 

vs from Packanokik having before this on the way vnkindly for- 
saken vs, marvayled we gaue him nothing, and told vs what he 
had done for vs ; we also told him of some discurtesies he offered 
vs, whereby he deserved nothing, yet we gaue him a small trifle : 
wherevpon he otTered vs Tobacco : but the house being full of 
people, we told them hee stole some by the way, and if it were of 
that we would not take it ; For we would not receiue that which 
was stolne vpon any termes ; if we did, our God would be angry 
with vs, and destroy vs. This abashed him, and gaue the rest 
great content : but at our departure he would needs carry him on 
his backe thorow a River, whom he had formerly in some sort 
abused. Faine they would haue had vs to lodge there all 
night ; and wondered we would set forth againe in 
such Weather : but God be praysed, wee 
came safe home that night, though 
wett , weary , and 
surbated. 



THE EXPEDITION TO NAUSET (EASTHAM) FOR THE 
LOST BOY. 



The preceding narrative ends with Saturday, the 7th of 
July, 1621. The narrative of the Lost Boy follows imme- 
diately upon that ; it is the next matter recorded from 
Governor Bradford's Journal, by Mr. Prince, in his Chro- 
nology. He places it about the end of July. Bradford's 
account in Prince is as follows : " John Billington, a boy, 
being lost in the woods, the Governor causes him to be in- 
quired for among the natives ; at length Massasoit sends 
word he is at Nauset. He had wandered five days, lived 
on berries, then light of an Indian plantation, twenty miles 
south of us, called Manomet, and they conveyed him to the 
people who first assaulted us ; but the Governor sends ten 
men in a shallop, with Squanto and Tockamahamon, to 
fetch him." 

Turning to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of 
Dec. 5, 1620, we find the account of a providential de- 
liverance from great danger incurred on board the May 
Flower, through " the foolishness of a boy, one of Francis 
Billington's sons ;" doubtless this same " young scape- 
grace," as Dr. Young very properly calls him, " who the 
next summer wandered off down the Cape as far as East- 
ham, causing great anxiety to the infant colony, and putting 
them to the trouble of sending an expedition after him." 
The father of this boy, Dr. Young notifies the reader in his 



76 THE EXPEDITION TO NAUSET, 

Chronicles of the Pilgrims, " was not one of the Leyden 
Church, but slipped in among the Pilgrims in England."* 
He was the person, as we have seen by the Journal of the 
Pilgrims, under date of March, who had the vile distinction 
of being the author of the very first offence committed in 
the Colony. He was hanged at length, in 1630, for mur- 
der. This young " scape-grace," in the text, after whom 
the expedition described in the following narrative was un- 
dertaken, is probably an example of the manner in which 
such a worthless father would be likely to train his family. 
Governor Bradford could not comprehend how it was that 
such a profane wretch as Bilhngton came to be shuffled in 
with the company of the Pilgrims. 

Nauset was the place where the Pilgrims had their first 
encounter with the Indians, they having been enraged 
against the English by the villanies of Hunt, who carried 
off seven of the Nausites to sell them as slaves, and among 
them the two sons of the old woman, whose grief is re- 
lated in the narrative. The place called " Manomet, 
twenty miles south of us," is Sandwich, and Nauset is the 
town or territory of Eastham, whither the explorers were 
going ; the place called Manamoick is said to be Chatham, 
and the harbor of Cummaquid, where they put in for the 
night, is Barnstable Harbor. These are all the localities 
that need to be noticed, and we only add, from Governor 
Bradford, in Prince's Chronology, that the person or per- 
sons mentioned at Manamoick were paid for their corn ; 
" those people also come and make their peace, and we 
give them full satisfaction for the corn we had formerly 
found in their country ."f The Pilgrims were upright and 
kind in all their dealings with the Indians. 

* Note in Chronicles of the Pilgrims, page 149. 
t Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. lOS. 



wmmmmwmimm 



VOYAGE MADE BY TEN 

of our Men to the Kingdome of 

N A V s E T, to seeke a Boy that had 

lost himself e in the Woods; 

With such Accidents as 

befell vs in that 

Voyage. 



e ll'h of lune we set forth, the weather being very 
ff/iv| M faire : but ere we had bin long at Sea, there arose a 
""^ stonne of wind and raine, with much lightning and 
^ M W thunder, in so much that a spout arose not far from 
^^O^yj vs : but God be praysed, it dured not long, and we put 
in that night for Harbour at a place, called Cu7nmaquid, 
where wee had some hope to finde the Boy. Two Savages were in 
the Boat with vs, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the other 
Tokamahamon, a speciall friend. It being night before Ave came in, 
we Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were drie at a 
low water. In the morning we espied Savages seeking Lobsters, 
and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them, the channell 
being betweene them ; where they told them what we were, and 
for what we were come, willing them not at all to feare vs, for we 

would 



78 NEW -ENGLAND 

would not hurt them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well, 
but he was at Nauset ; yet since wee were there they desired vs 
to come ashore & eate with them : which as scone as our Boat 
floated we did : and went sixe ashore, having foure pledges for 
them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouer- 
nour , whom they call lyanough, a man not exceeding twentie-six 
yeeres of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fayre 
conditioned, indeed not lilic a Savage, saue for his attyre ; his 
entertainement was answerable to his parts, and his cheare plen- 
tifull and various. 

One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place ; There was 
an old woman, whom we iudged to be no lesse then an hundred 
yeeres old, which came to see vs because shee neuer saw English, 
yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion, 
weeping and crying excessiuely. We deraaunding the reason of it, 
they told vs, she had three sons, who when master Hunt was in 
these parts went aboord his ship to trade with liim, and lie carried 
them Captiues into Spaine ( for Tisquantum at that time was car- 
ried away also ) by which meanes she was depriued of the com- 
fort of her children in her old age. We told them we were sorry 
that any English man should giue them that offence, that Hunt 
was a bad man, and that all the Englisli that heard of it con- 
demned him for the same : but for vs we would not offer them 
any such iniury, though it would gaine vs all the skins in the 
Countrey. So we gaue her some small trifles, which somewhat 
appeased her. 

After dinner we tooke Boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of 
his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to JSauset, the day and 
tydewere almost spent, in so much as we could not goe in with 
our Shallop : but the Sachim or Governour of Commaquid went 
a-shore and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell As- 
pinet the Sachim of Nauset wherefore we came. The Sauages here 
came very thicke amongst vs, and were earnest with vs to bring in 
our Boate. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to doe it, 
because we had lest cause to trust them, being they onely had 
formerly made an Assault vpon vs in the same place, in time of 
our Winter Discouery for Habitation. And indeed it was no 

maruayle 



IN AMERICA. 79 

maruayle they did so, for howsoeucr through snow or otherwise 
wee saw no houses , yet wee were in the middest of them. 

When our boat was a ground they came very thicke, but wee 
stood therein vpon our guard, not suffering any to enter except 
two : the one being of Maramoick, and one of tliose , whose Corne 
we had formerly found, we promised him restitution, & desired 
him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would 
bring them so much corne againe, hee promised to come, we vsed 
him very kindely for the present. Some few skins we gate there 
but not many. 

After Sun-set, Aspinet came with a great traine, & brought the 
boy with him, one bearing him through the water ; hee had not 
lesse than an hundred with him , the halfe whereof came to the 
Shallop side vnarmed with him, the other stood aloofe with their 
bow and arrowes. There he delivered vs the boy, behung with 
beades, and made peace with vs , wee bestowing a knife on him, 
and likewise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought 
him thither. So they departed from vs. 

Here we vnderstood, that the Narrohigansets had spoyled some 
of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This strucke some feare in 
vs , because the Colony was so weakely guarded, the strength 
thereof being abroad : But we set foorth with resolution to make 
the best hast home wee could ; yet the winde being contrary, 
having scarce any fresh water leaft, and at least, 16. leagues 
home, we put in againe for the shore. There we met againe with 
lyanough the Sacliim of Cummaquid, and the most of his Towne, 
both men women & children with him. Hee being still willing 
togratifie vs, tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great 
way for water , but could finde none good : yet brought such as 
thei'e was on his necke with them. In the meane time the women 
ioyned hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the 
men also shewing all the kindncs they could , lyanough himselfe 
taking a bracelet from about his necke, and hanging it vpon one 
of vs. 

Againe we set out but to small purpose , for we gat but little 
homeward ; Our water also was very brackish , and not to be 
drunke. 

The 



80 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 

The next morning, lyanovgh espied vs againe and ran after vs ; 
we being resolved to goe to Cummaquid againe to water, tooke 
him into the Shallop, whose entertainement was not inferiour vnto 
the former. 

The soyle at Nauset and here is alike , even and sandy, not so 

good for corne as where we are ; Shipps may safely ride in eyther 

" harbour. In the Summer, they abound with fish. 

Being now watered, we put forth againe, 

and by Gods providence, came 

safely home that night. 

(V) 



THE EXPEDITION TO NAMASCHET, OR MIDDLE- 
BOROUGH. 



The next narrative in this volume is the fruit of the Treaty 
of the Pilgrims with the great King Massasoit. On their 
return from Nauset, word having been brought to the Pil- 
grims concerning the conspiracy against Massasoit, and in- 
formation also that their friend Squanto was either killed 
or in great danger, they resolved at once upon the follow- 
ing expedition. Mr. Prince records it in his Chronology 
under date of Aug. 13th, 1621, as follows: 

"At this the Governor assembles our company, and 
taking counsel, 'tis conceived not fit to be borne ; for if we 
should suffer our friends and messengers thus to be wrong- 
ed, we shall have none to cleave to us, or give us intelli- 
gence, or do us any service, but would next fall upon us, 
&c. We therefore resolve to send ten men to-morrow, 
with Hobamok, to seize our foes in the night ; if Squanto 
be killed, to cut off Coubitant's head, but hurt only those 
who had a hand in the murder, and retain Nepeof, another 
tSachem in the confederacy, till we hear of Massasoit."* 

The next day, August 14th, they set out, and after com- 
plete success in their expedition, returned home Aug, 1 5th, 
at night, attended by many friends, and bringing three 
wounded savages, whom they cured of their wounds, and 
sent back again. The consequences of this expedition 

* Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i. p. lOU. 
4* 



82 THE EXPEDITION TO NAMASCHET. 

were happy for the Colony. " After this," says Governor 
Bradford, in Prince, " we have many gi'atulations from di- 
verse Sachems, and much firmer peace. Yea, those of the 
Isle of Capawak send to secure our friendship ; and Cor- 
bitant himself uses the mediation of Massasoit to be recon- 
ciled. Yea, Canonicus, Chief Sachem of the Narragan- 
setts, sends a messenger to treat of peace." 

Under date of September 13th, 1621, it is also added 
that nine Sachems subscribed an instrument of submission 
to King James, whose names are given. " Yea Massasoit 
in writing under his hand to Captain Standish, has owned 
the King of England to be his master. Both he and many 
other kings under him, as of Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, 
Namasket, with diverse others, who dwell about the bays 
of Patuxet and Massachusetts ; and all this by friendly 
usage, love, and peace, just and honest carriage, good coun- 
sel, and so forth." 

Such were the happy fruits of the kind, upright, and 
energetic character and dealings of the Pilgrims. 




lOVRNEY TO THE ' 

Kingdome of NAMASCHET 

in defence of the Great King 

Massasoyt against the Nar- 

rohiggansets, and to revenge 

the supposed Death 

of our Interpreter 

Tisquanium. 

^^T our returne from Nauset, we found it true, tliat 
Massasoyt was put from his Countrey by the Narro- 
^ higganseis. Word also was brought vnto vs, that one 
^ Coubaiant, a petty Sachim or Governour vnder Mas- 
M sasoyt (whom they euer feared to be too conversant 
with the Narrohiggansets) was at Namaschet, who 
sought to draw the hed^xiso^ Massasoyts subjects from him, speak- 
ing also of vs, storming at the Peace between Nauset, Ctmimaquid, 
and vs, and at Tisquanium, the worker of it ; also at Toka- 
mahamon, and one Hobbarnock (two Indians or Lemes,* one 

• Or Lemes. Dr. Young regards this as a mistake ol the printers for 
our allies. 

of 




84 N E W - E N G L A N D 

of which he would trecherously haue murdered a little be- 
fore, being a speciiill and trusty man of Massasoyls) Tokaina- 
Jiamon went to him, but the other two would not ; yet put 
their liues in their hands, priuately went to see if they could 
heare of their King, and lodging at Namaschet were discouered to 
Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house and tooke Tisquan- 
tum (for he had sayd, if he were dead, the English had lost their 
tongue) Hohbamock seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Cou- 
hatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, 
brake from them and came to New-Plimmouth, full of feare and 
sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slaine. 

Vpon this Newes the Company assembled together, and re- 
solued on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet 
and Hohbamock, for their guide, to reuenge the supposed death of 
Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter Enemy, and to retains 
Nepeof, another Sachem or Gouernour, who was of this confe- 
deracy, till we heard, what was become of our friend Massa- 
soyt. 

All". 14, ^^ the morrow we set out ten men Armed, who tooke 
^'^'^- their iourney as aibresayd, but the day proved very wett. 
When we supposed we were within three or foure myles of 
Na?naschef, we went out of the way and stayed there till night, 
because we M'ould not be discovered. There we consulted what 
to doe, and thinking best to beset the house at mid-night, each 
was appointed to his taske by the Captaine, all men incouraging 
one another, to the vtmost of their power. 

By night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged our 
men, being we were wet, and weary of our armes : but one of 
our men hauing beene before at Namaschet brought vs into the 
way againe. 

Before we came to the Towne we sat downe and ate such as 
our Knapsacke affoorded, that being done, we threw them aside, 
and all such things as might hinder vs, and so went on and beset 
the house, according to our last resolution. Those thatentred, de- 
maunded if Coubatant were not there : but feare had bereft the 
Savages of speech. We charged them not to stirre, for if Cou- 
batant were not there, we would not meddle with them, if he were, 

we 



IN AMERICA. 85 

We came principally for him, to be auenged on him for tiie sup- 
posed death of Tisquantum, and other matters : but howsoeuer 
wee would not at all hurt their women, or children. Notwith- 
standing some of them pressed out at a priuate doore and es- 
caped, but with some wounds : At length perceiuing our princi- 
pall ends, they told vs Coubaiant was returned with all his traine, 
and that Tisquantum was yet lining, and in the town offering some 
Tobacco, other such as they had to eate. In this hurley hurley 
we discharged two Peeces at Randome, which much terrified 
all the Inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokamahamon, who 
though they knew not our end in comming, yet assured them of 
our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boyes that 
were in the house seeing our care of women, often cried Neens- 
quaes, that is to say, I am a Woman : the Women also hanging 
vpon Hohhamock, calling him Toivavi, that is. Friend . But to be 
short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we 
might see to search the house. In the nieane time, Hohhamock 
gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
hamon, which came vnto vs accompanied with others, some armed 
and others naked. Those that had Bowes and Arrowes we tooke 
them away, promising them againe when it was day. The house 
we tooke ■ for our better safegard ; but released those we had 
taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore. 

On the next morning we marched into the middestof the Towne, 
and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came 
all whose hearts were vpright towards vs, but all Couhatants fac- 
tion were fled away. There in the middest of them we mani- 
fested againe our intendment, assuring them, that although Cou- 
hatant had now escaped vs, yet there was no place should secure 
him and his from vs if he continued his threatning vs, and pro- 
uoking others against vs, who had kindly entertained him, and 
neuer intended euill towards him till he now so iustly deserued it. 
Moreover, if Massasoyt did not returne in safetie from Narrohig- 
ganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against 
him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hohhamock, or any of Mas- 
sasoyts Subiects, we would revenge it vpon him, to the ouer-throw 
of him and his. As for those were wounded, we were sorry for 

it, 



80 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 

it, though themselues procured it in not staying in the house at 
our command ; yet if they would returne home with vs, our Sur- 
geon should healo them. 

At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded went 
home with vs, Tisquantum and many other knowne friends ac- 
companying vs, and offering all helpe that might be by car- 
riage of any thing wee had to ease us. So that by 
Gods good Providence wee safely return- 
ed home the morrow night after 
we set forth. 

( *** ) 



EXPEDITION TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 



The next and last narrative in this volume is that of the ex- 
pedition to Boston Bay, and the country of the Massachu- 
setts. The preceding narrative of the journey to Nama- 
schet ends Aug. 15th, 1621 ; this begins about a month af- 
terwards, September 18th, 1621. The sachem of the point 
of country whither their visit was directed, which about 
ten years after was to be called Boston, was under the 
sovereignty of Massasoit. The present expedition was one 
of peace and commerce, or " truck" with the natives, ac- 
cording to the expression used in the Journal. 

The reader will remark with surprise, on this occasion, 
as on some others recorded in the narratives, the extreme 
fear in which the Indians seem to have stood of the English, 
shaking and trembling for terror. It is probable that this 
was partly owing to the report which Squanto had spread 
among them, that the Pilgrims had in their possession a 
cask containing the Great Plague, which had so fearfully 
desolated the country, and that they could let it out at plea- 
sure. The poor creatures seem sometimes to have expect- 
ed that the very sight and presence of the Pilgrims would 
make their bodies break out in the deadly carbuncles of the 
Pestilence. 

This expedition ends Sept. 20th, 1621. The record of it 
in Prince's Chronology is succeeded by the following sum- 
mer note from Gov. Bradford : "All the summer, no want ; 
while some were trading, others were fishing Cod, Bass, 
&c. We now gather in our harvest ; and, as cold weather 



88 EXPEDITION TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 

advances, come in store of water fowl, wherewith this 
place abounds, though afterward they by degrees decrease ; 
as also abundance of wild Turkies with venison, &c. Fit 
our houses against winter, are in health, and have all things 
in plenty." * 







RELATION OF OVR 

Voyage to MASSACHVSETS, 

And what happened there. 



^^J^:^T seemed good to the Company in generall, that though 

l'^ *^ the Massachusets has often threatened vs (as we were 

^ ^ informed) yet we should goe amongst them, partly to 

^ m '^« 



# 



# 



see the Countrey, partly to make Peace with them, and 



##^^ partly to procure their trucko. 

For these ends the Governours chose ten men, tit 
for the purpose, and sent Tisquantum, and two other Salvages to 
bring vs to speech with the people, and interpret for vs. 
J8 Sept. We set out about mid-night, the tyde then seruing for vs ; 
^i*-^- we supposing it to be neerer then it is, thought to be there 
the next morning betimes : but it proued well neere twentie 
Leagues from New Plimmouth. 

We came into the bottome of the Bay, but being late wee an- 
chored and lay in the Shallop, not hauing seene any of the 
people. The next morning we put in for the shore. There 
we found many Lobsters that had beene gathered together by the 
Supposed Saluages, which we made ready vnder a cliffe. The 
Copp'sHiii. Captaine set two Sentinels behind the cliffe to the land- 
ward to secure the Shallop, and taking a guide with him, and 
foure of our company, went to seeke the Inhabitants, where they 

met 



90 NEW -ENGLAND 

met a woman comming for her Lobsters, they told her of them, 
and contented her for them. She told them where the people 
were ; Tisquanlam went to them, the rest returned, hauing di- 
rection which way to bring the Shallop to tliem. 

The Sachini, or Gouernour of tliis place, is called Ohhalineical, 
and though he liue in the bottome of the Massachuset bay, yet he 
is vnder Massasoyt. He vsed vs very kindly ; he told vs, he 
durst not then remains in any setled place, for feare of the 
Tarenlines. Also the Squa Sachim, or Massachuset^ Queene was 
an enemy to him. 

We told him of diuers Sachims that had acknowledged them- 
selves to be King I am e .s his men, and if he also would submit 
himselfc, wc would be his safegard from his enemies ; which lie 
did, and wont along with vs to bring vs to the Squa Sachim. 
Againe we crossed the Bay which is very large, and liatli at lest 
fifty Hands in it ; but the certaine number is not knowne to the 
Inhabitants. Night it was before wee came to that side of 
the Bay where this people were. On shore the Saluages went 
but found no body. That night also we rid at Anchor aboord the 
Shallop. 

On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched 
in Amies vp in the Counti'ey. Hauing gone three myles, we 
came to a place where Corne liad beene newly gathered, a house 
pulled downe, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nane- 
pasheinct their King in his life time had liued. His house was 
not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with pools and 
plancks some six foote from the ground, and the house vpon that, 
being situated on the top of a hill. 

Not furre from hence in a bottome, wee came to a Fort built 
by their deceased King, the manner thus ; There were pools 
some thirtie or fortio foote long, stucke in the ground as thick as 
they could be set one by another, and with these they inclosed a 
rinir some forty or fifty foote ouer. A trench breast hieh was 
diijged on each side ; one way there was to goe into it with a 
bridge ; in the midst of this Pallizado stood the frame of an 
house, wherein being dead he lay buryed. 

About a mvle from hence, we came to such another, but seat- 
ed 



IN AMERICA. 91 

ed on the top of an liill : here Nanepashemet was killed, none 
dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stay- 
ed, and sent two Saluagcs to looke the Inhabitants, and to informe 
them of our ends in comming, that they might not be fearefull of 
vs : Within a myle of this place they found the women of the 
place together, with their Corne on heapes, which we supposed 
them to be fled for feare of vs, and the more, because in diuers 
places they had newly pulled downe their houses, and for hast in 
one place had left some of their Corne couered with a Mat, and no 
body with it. 

With much feare they entertained vs at first, but seeing our 
gentle carriage towards them, they tooke heart and entertained vs 
in the best manner they could, boyling Cod and such other things 
as they had for vs. At length with much sending for came one 
of their men, shaking and trembling for feare. But when he 
saw we intended them no hurt, but came to trucke, he promised 
vs his skins also. Of him we enquired for their Qucene, 
but it seemed shee was far from thence, at lest we could not see 
her. 

Here Tisquanium would haue had vs rifled the Saluage women, 
and taken their skins, and all such things as might be seruiceable 
for vs ; for (sayd he) they are a bad people, and haue oft threat- 
ned you : But our answere was ; Were they neuer so bad, we 
would not wrong them, or giue them any just occasion against 
vs : for their words we little weighed them, but if they once at- 
tempted any thing against vs, then we would deale far worse then 
he desired. 

Hauing well spent the day, we returned to the Shallop, almost 
all the Women accompanying vs, to trucke, who sold their coats 
from their backes, and tyed boughes about them, but with great 
shamefastnesse (for indeed they are more modest then some of 
our English women are) we promised them to come againe to 
them, and they vs, to keepc their skins. 

Within this Bay, the Salvages say, there are two Riuers ; the 
one whereof we saw, hauing a faire entrance, but we had no time 
to discouer it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be then here 
are. At the entrance of the Bay are many Rockes ; and in all 

likelihood 



92 NEW-ENGLAND IN AMERICA. 

likelihood very good fishing ground. Many, yea, most of the 
Hands haue beene inhabited, some being cleared from end to end, 
but the people are all dead, or remoued. 

Our victuall growing scarce, the Winde comming 
fay re, and hauing a light Moone, we set out at 
euening, and through the goodnesse of 
God, came safely home be- 
fore noone the day 
following, 



MR. WINSLOW'S LETTER. 



The following letter to a loving and old friend, as the sig- 
nature imports, is from Edward Winslow. Between this 
and the preceding narrative of the expedition to the Mas- 
sachusetts is an interval of three months, that is, from Sept. 
20th to Dec. 13th, when the ship sailed which carried Mr. 
Winslow's letter. That ship was the Fortune, which ar- 
rived at Cape Cod Nov. 9th, with thirty-five persons to be 
added to the Pilgrim Colony. Among them came Mr. 
Cushman, who, however, returned to England in the same 
vessel, according to appointment with the merchant ad- 
venturers. 

By the eleventh of December the Colonists had built 
seven dwelling houses ; four for the use of the plantation ; 
and had " made provisions for diverse others." Meantime 
" both Massasoit, the greatest King of the natives, and all 
the princes and people round about, had made peace with 
them ; seven of them at once sent their messengers for 
that end." It was under these favorable circumstances, 
and in the indulgence of such hopes, as would naturally 
grow out of a state of things like that mentioned in Gov. 
Bradford's Summer Note aforesaid, that this letter from 
Mr. Winslow was written. Only the bright side was per- 
mitted to be seen. But the very addition which the For- 
tune brought to the numbers of the Colony, without any 
adequate supply of provisions, was a preparation of evil. 
Besides this, the Pilgrims were compelled, out of their 
scanty stock, to help victual the Fortune for her return 



94 MR. WIXSLOW's LETTER. 

voyage ; so that soon after her departure grim famine be- 
gan to look them in the face. 

Mr. Winslow's letter is dated at Plymouth, the eleventh 
of December, and that is the latest date to which this volume 
of the Pilgrim Narratives brings us. The summer had been 
delightful, the climate lovely, the natural fruits of the earth 
abundant ; grapes, strawberries, and budding and blossom- 
ing roses, in such sweetness and variety, tiiat for a little 
while New England looked like a Paradise. The severest 
trials of the Colony, by the early mortality, had been pass- 
ed through, and even the opening winter looked promising ; 
but the dread trial by Famine they had yet to endure. 



%AS^ ai^-^:^i f^y^^x^i .■a.i'K^fS^i xx:«WS'^"l *x,•*AS^^,^'r9l,?^:,i.'■, ^,'?!L?S„i. ^'?ftA^>* iai9fK 



A 

LETTER SENT FROM 

Neiu-England to a friend in these parts, 

setting forth a hriefe and true Declaration 

of the worth of that Plantation ; 

As also certaine vseful Directions 

for such as intend rt V o y a g e 

into those Parts. 

:^#:^#Ouing, and old Friend, although I receiued no Letter 
^^ ^ ^^°"^ ^°^ ^^ ^'"^ Ship, yet forasmuch as I know you 
w^ ^£' expect the performance of my promise, which was, to 
^ i^V/J ^ write vnto you truely and faithfully of all things, I 
^•oi*o::*o*: ^^^^e therefore at this time sent vnto you accordingly. 
" Referring you for further satisfaction to our more large 
Relations. You shall vnderstand, that in this little time, that a 
few of vs haue beene here, we haue built seauen dwelling houses, 
and foure for the vse of the Plantation, and haue made preparation 
for divers others. We set the last Spring some twentie Acres of 
Indian Corne, and sowed some six acres of Barly & Pease, and 
according to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ground 
with Herings or rather Shadds, which we haue in great abun- 
dance, and take with great ease at our doores. Our Corne did 
proue well, & God be praysed, we had a good increase of Indian- 
Come, and our Barly indifferent good, but our Pease not worth the 
gathering, for we feared they were too late sowne, they came vp 
very well, and blossomed, but the Sunne parched them in the blos- 
some ; our harvest being gotten in, our Governour sent foure men 
on fowling, that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce 
together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labours ; they foure 
in one day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe beside, 
served the Company almost a weeke, at which time amongst 
other Recreations, we exercised our Armes, many of the Indians 
coming amongst vs, and amongst the rest their greatest King 

Massasoyt, 



96 N R W - E N G L A N D 

Massasoyt, with some nintie men, whom for three dayes we en- 
tertained and feasted, and they went out and killed fine Deere, 
which they brought to the Plantation and bestowed on our Gover- 
nour, and vpon the Captaine, and others. And although it be not 
alwayes so plentifull, as it was at this time with vs, yet by the 
goodnesse of God, we are so farre from want, that we often wish 
you partakers of our plentie. Wee haue found the Indians very 
faithfuU in their Covenant of Peace with vs ; very louing and 
readie to pleasure vs ; we often goe to them, and they come to vs ; 
some of vs haue bin fiftie myles by Land in the Country with 
them ; the occasions and Relations whereof you shall vnderstand 
by our generall and more full Declaration of such things as are 
worth the noting, yea, it hath pleased God so to possesse the Indians 
with a feare of vs, and loue vnto vs, that notonely the greatest King 
amongst ihemcdWedt. Massasoyt, but also all the Princes and peoples 
round about vs, haue either made sute vnto vs, or beene glad of any 
occasion to make peace with vs, so that seauen of them at once haue 
sent their messengers to vs to that end, yea, an Isle at sea, which 
we neuer saw, hath also together with the former yeelded willing- 
ly to be vnder the protection, and subiects to our soueraigne Lord 
King I A M E s, so that there is now great peace amongst the In- 
dians themselues, which was not formerly, neither would haue 
bin but for vs ; and we for our parts walke as peaceably and 
safely in the wood, as in the hie-wayes in England, we entertaine 
them familiarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing 
their Venison on vs. They are a people without any Religion, 
or knowledge of any God, yet very trustie, quicke of apprehen- 
sion, ripe witted, iust, the men and women goe naked, onely a 
skin about their middles ; for the temper of the ay re, here it 
agreeth well with that in England, and if there be any difference at 
all, this is some what hotter in Summer, some thinke it to be colder 
in Winter, but I cannot out of experience so say ; the ayre is very 
cleere and not foggie, as hath beene reported. I neuer in my life 
remember a more seasonable yeare, then we haue here enioyed ; 
and if we haue once but Kine, Horses, and Sheepe, I make no 
question, but men might Hue as contented here as in any part of 
the world. For fish and fowle we haue great abundance, fresh 
Codd in the Summer is but course meat with vs, our Bay is full of 

Lobsters 



IN AMERICA. 97 

Lobsters all the Summer, and afFordeth varietie of other Fish ; in 
September we can take a Hogshead of Eeles in a night, with 
small labour, & can dig them out of their beds, all the Winter ; 
we haue Mussels and Othus* at our doores : Oysters we haue 
none neere, but we can haue them brought by the Indians when 
we will ; all the Spring time the earth sendeth forth naturally 
very good Sallet Herbs : here are Grapes, white and red, and 
very sweete and strong also. Strawberies, Gooseberies, Ras- 
pas, &c. Plums of three sorts, white, blacke and red, being almost 
as good as a Damsen : abundance of Roses, white, red, and 
damask : single, but very sweet indeed ; the Countrey wanteth 
onely industrious men to imploy, for it would grieue your hearts 
(if as I) you had scene so many myles together by goodly Riuers 
vninhabited, and withall to consider those parts of the world 
wherein you liue, to be euen greatly burthened with abundance 
of people. These things I thought good to let you vnderstand, 
being the truth of things as nere as I could experimentally take 
knowledge of^ and that you might on our behalfe giue God thankes 
who had delt so fauorably with vs. 

Our supply of men from you came the ninth of November 
16 2 1. putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from 
vs. The Indians that dwell thereabout were they who were 
owners of the Corne which we found in Caues, for which we haue 
giuen them full content, and are in great league with them. 
They sent vs word there was a ship nere unto them, but thought 
it to be a French man, and indeede for our selues we expected not 
a friend so scone. But when we perceiued that she made for 
our Bay, the Gouernor commanded a great Peece to be shot off, 
to call home such as were abroad at worke ; whereupon euery 
man, yea, boy that could handle a Gun were readie, with full 
resolution, that if she were an enemy, we would stand in our 
lust defence, not feareing them, but God provided better for vs 
then we supposed ; these came all in health vnto vs, not any being 
sicke by the way (otherwise then by Sea sicknesse) and so con- 
tinue at this time, by the blessing of God. The good-wife Ford 
was deliuered of a sonne the first night shee landed, and both of 
them are very well. When it pleaseth God, we are setled and 
fitted for the fishing busines, and other trading, I doubt not but 

• Perhaps thi.-< is a misprint for the word cockles, 

T} bv 



98 N E W - E N G L A N D 

by the blessing of God, the gayne will giue content to all ; in the 
meane time, that wee haue gotten we haue sent by this ship, and 
though it be not much, yet it will witnesse for vs, that wee haue 
not beene idle, considering the smallnesse of our number all this 
Summer. Wee hope the Marchants will accept of it, and be 
incouraged to furnish vs with things need full for further imploy- 
nient, which will also incourage vs to put forth our selues to the 
vttermost. Now because I expect your comming vnto vs with 
other of our friends, whose companie we much desire, 1 thought 
good to advertise you of a few things needfull ; be carefuU to 
haue a very good bread-roome to put your Biskets in, let your 
Cask for Beere and Water be Iron-bound for the first tyre if not 
more ; let not your meat be drie salted, none can better doe it 
then the Saylers ; let your meale be so hard trodd in your Cask 
that you shall need an Ads or Hatchet to work it out with : 
Trust not too much on vs for Corne at this time, for by reason of 
this last company that came, depending wholy on vs, we shall 
haue little enough till haruest ; be carefuU to come by some of 
your meale to spend by the way, it will much refresh you. Build 
your Cabbins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes, 
and bedding with you ; bring euery man a Musket or fowling 
Peece, let your Peece be long in the barrell, and feare not the 
waight of it, for most of our shooting is from Stands ; bring iuyce 
of Lemons, and take it fasting, it is of good vse ; for hot waters, 
Anni-seed water is the best, but vse it sparingly ; if you bring 
any thing for comfort in the Country, Butter or Sallet oyle, or 
both is very good ; our Indian Corne even the coursest, maketh 
as pleasant meat as Rice, therefore spare that vnlesse to spend by 
the way ; bring Paper, and Linced oyle for your Windowes, with 
Cotton yarne for your Lamps ; let your shott be most for bigge 
Fowles, and bring store of Powder and shot : I forbeare further 
to write for the present, hoping to see you by the next returne, so I 
take my leaue, commending you to the L o r D for a safe conduct 
vnto vs. Resting in him 
I'limmouth in New-England 
this 1 1 . of December. 

16 2 1. Your louins Frieiul. 



E. AV. 



MR. CUSHMAN'S REASONS. 



The following document, according to the signature, is 
from Mr. Cushman. It was published with this Journal of 
the Pilgrims, as the closing document in the volume, to per- 
suade good persons who were hesitating, to join the Colony. 
Mr. Cushman had just spent a month with the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth, had bidden them farewell to sail in the Fortune 
for England, Dec. 13th, 1621, and arrived in London about 
two months afterwards, in February, 1622. During the 
little time while he was with the Pilgrims, he delivered for 
the benefit of the Colony a discourse on the sin and danger 
of self-love ; an excellent and pithy discourse, of a tenor 
very similar to that of the " Reasons and Considerations," 
following in this volume. Mr. Cushman was a man of 
ability and integrity, and of a public and self-denying 
spirit. 



Reasons ^ considerations touching 

the lawfulnesse of remouiiig out of 

England into the parts oi America. 

:^:^i^^Orasmuch as many exceptions are daily ^^^ 
^ I'^i '^ made against the going into, and inhabiting Preamble. 

««/^ of forraine desert places, to the hinderances of planta- 
%. u3[ ^ tions abroad, and the increase of distractions at home : 
V^ «.iV It is not amisse that some which haue beene eare 
witnesses of the exceptions made, and are either 
Agents or Abettors of such remouals and plantations, doe seeke 
to giue content to the world, in all things that possibly they 
can. 

And although the most of the opposites are such as either 
dreame of raising their fortunes here, to that then which there is 
nothing more vnlike, or such as affecting their home-borne 
countrey so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their 
friends begge, yea starue in it, then vndergoe a little difficultie 
in seeking abroad ; yea are there some who out of doubt in 
tendernesse of conscience, and feare to offend God by running 
before they be called, are straitned and doe straiten others, from 
going to forraine plantations. 

For whose cause especially, I haue beene drawne out of my 
good affection to them, to publish some reasons that might giue 
them content and satisfaction, and also stay and stop the wilfull 
and wittie cauiller : and herein I trust I shall not be blamed of 
any godly wise, though thorow my slender iudgement I should 
misse the marke, and not strike the naile on the head, considering 
it is the first attempt that hath beene made (that I know of) to 
defend those enterprises. Reason would therefore, that if any 
man of deeper reach and better iudgement see further or other- 
wise, that he rather instruct me, then deride me. 

And being studious for breuitie, we must first con- ^'^""^j""*- 

" ' Oeii. 12. 1, 2. 

sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon & 35. i. 
our Fathers by predictions, dreames, visions, and certaine illu- 
minations to goe from their countries, places and ha- J^f^^ 3. 19. 
bitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to ^*'''- ^**5- ^^• 
wander vp and downe from citie to citie, and Land to Land, ac- 
cord in <r 



102 N E W . E N G L A N D 

cording to his will and pleasure. Now there is no such calling 

to be expected for any matter vvhatsoeuer, neither must any so 

much as imagine that there will now be any such 

Heb. 1. 1 2. . . 

thing. God did once so traine vp his people, but 
now he doth not, but speakes in another manner, and so we must 
apply our selues to Gods present dealing, and not to his wonted 
dealinw : and as the miracle of givinsr Manna ceased, 
when the fruits of the land became plentie, so God 
hauing such a plentiful! storehouse of directions in his holy 
word, there must not now any extraordinary reuelations be ex- 
pected. 

But now the ordinarie examples and precepts of the Scriptures 
reasonably and rightly vnderstood and applied, must be the 
voice and word, that must call vs, presse vs, and direct vs in 
euery action. 

Neither is there any land or possession now, like vnto the 
possession which the lews had in Canaan, being legally 
holy and appropriated vnto a holy people the seed of 
Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, and had their dales 
prolonged, it being by an immediate voice said, that he (the 
Lord) gaue it them as a land of rest after their wearie trauels, 
and a type of Eierna/l rest in heauen, but now there is no land 
of that Sanctimonie, no land so appropriated ; none typicall : 
much lesse any that can be said to be giuen of God to any nation 
as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till 
God sendeth vpon them sword or captiuitie : but now we are in 
all places strangers and Pilgrims, trauellers and soiourners, 
most properly, hauing no dwelling but in this 
or. . , ., . g^j.^j^gjj Tabernacle ; our dwelling is but a wand- 
ring, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home 
So were the is no where, but in the heauens : in that house not 
th^r'temporaii made with hands, whose maker and builder is God, 
blessings and ^^^ ^q which all ascend that loue the coniminw of 

inheritances o 

were more ^^r Lord leSUS. 

large tnanoiirs. 

Though then, there may be reasons to perswade 
a man to Hue in this or that land, yet there cannot be the same 
reasons which the lewes had, but now as naturall, ciuill and 
Religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good 

rea 



IN AMERICA. 103 

reasons for things terrene and heauenly appeare, so they must 
be led. And so here falleth in our question, how 
a man that is here borne and bred, and hatli liued 
some yeares, may remoue himselfe into another countrie. 

I answer, a man must not respect only to Hue, jinsw. 

and doe good to himselfe, but he should see where „,uo, L,o«„. 

e ' »v hat persons 

he can Hue to doe most good to others : for as one "'■^v ^ence re- 

ci moue. 

saith, He whose lining is but for himselfe, it is time 
he were dead. Some men there are who of necessitie must here 
Hue, as being tied to duties either to Church, Common-wealth, 
houshold, kindred, &c. but others, and that many, who doe no 
good in none of those nor can doe none, as being not able, or not 
in fauour, or as wanting opportunitie, and Hue as outcasts : no 
bodies, eie-sores, eating but for themselues, teaching but them- 
selues, and doing good to none, eitlier in soule or body, and so 
passe ouer dales, yeares, and moneths, yea so Hue and so die. 
Now such should lift vp their eies and see whether there be not 
some other place and countrie to which they may goe to doe 
good and haue vse towards others of that knowledge, o 
wisdome, humanitie, reason, strength, skill, facultie, ^houid'"'^ 
&c. which God haue giuen them for the seruice of '»oue. 
others and his owne glory. 

But not to passe the bounds of modestie so far as to name any, 
though I confesse I know many, who sit here still with their 
talent in a napkin, hauing notable endowments both 
of body and minde, and might doe great good if they 
were in some places, which here doe none, nor can doe none, 
and yet through fleshly feare, niceness, straitnesse of heart, 
&c. sit still and looke on, and will not hazard a dram of health, 
nor a day of pleasure, nor an houre of rest to further the 
knowledge and saluation of the sons of Adam in 
that New jcorld, where a drop of the knowledge 
of Christ is most precious, which is here not set by. Now 
what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which 
is ioyned no more deniall of a mans selfe ? But some 
will say, what right haue I to goe Hue in the heathens 
countrie ? 

Letting passe the ancient discoueries, contracts and •^"''"'• 

agreements 



104 NEW. ENGLAND 

agreements which our English men haue long since made 
in those parts, together with the acknowledgement of the his- 
tories and Chronicles of other nations, who professe the land 
of Afnerica from the Cape De Florida vnto the Bay of Canado 
(which is South and North 300. leagues and vpwards ; and 
East and West, further then yet hath beene discouered) is 
proper to the King of England, yet letting that passe, lest I be 
thought to meddle further then it concerns me, or further then I 
haue discerning : I will mention such things as are within my 
reach, knowledge, sight and practise, since I haue trauailed in 
these affaires. 

And first seeing we daily pray for the conuersion 

*"*' of the heathens, we must consider whether there be 

not some ordinary meanes, and course for vs to take to conuert 
them, or whether praier for them be only referred to Gods ex- 
traordinarie worke from heauen. Now it seemeth vnto me that 
we ought also to endeuour and vse the meanes to conuert them, 
and the meanes cannot be vsed vnlesse we goe to them or they 
come to vs : to vs they cannot come, our land is full : to them 
we may goe, their land is emptie. 

This then is a sufficient reason to proue our going 
thither to Hue, lawfull : their land is spatious and 
void, & there are few and doe but run ouer the grasse, as doe 
also the Foxes and wilde beasts : they are not industrious, 
neither haue art, science, skill or facultie to vse either the land 
or the commodities of it, but all spoiles, rots, and is marred for 
want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient 
Patriarkes therefore remoued from straiter places into more 
roomthy, where the Land lay idle and waste, and none vsed it, 
though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as Gen. 13. 6. 11. 12. 
and 34. 21. and 41. 20. so is it lawfull now to take a land 
which none vseth, and make vse of it. 

Reas.4. ■^^'^ ^^ ^t is a common land or vnused, & vndressed 

This is to be countrev : so we haue it by common consent, com- 

considered as .^ ' -' 

respecting position and agreement, which agreement is double : 

new England £l ■, , ^ nl^ • i^ 

and the terri- First the Imperial Gouemor Massasmt, whose cir- 

thepianta- cuits in likelihood are larger then England and Scot- 

*""*■ land, hath acknowledged the Kings Maiestie of Eng- 

'"°""' land 



IN AMERICA. 105 

land to be his Master and Commander, and that once in my 
hearing, yea and in writing, vnder his hand to Captaine Stand- 
ish, both he and many other Kings which are vnder him, as 
Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narrowhiggonset, Namaschet, ^c, 
with diuers others that dwell about the baies of Fatuxet, and 
Massachuscl : neither hath this beene accomplished by threats 
and blowes, or shaking of sword, and sound of trumpet, for as our 
facultie that way is small, and our strength lesse : so our war- 
ring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly 
vsage, loue, peace, honest and iust cariages, good counsell, <^c. 

Psru no 3 ^^^^ ^° ^^ ^"^ ^^^y ^^y "°^ °'^^y '^"^ ^" peace in that 
''■*2-3- land, and they yeeld subiection to an earthly Prince, 

but that as voluntaries they may be perswaded at length to em- 
brace the Prince of peace Christ lesus, and rest in peace with 
him for euer. 

Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatorie 
as touching our selues there inhabiting : the Emperour by a ioynt 
consent, hath promised and appointed vs to Hue at peace, where 
we will in all his dominions, taking what place we will, and as much 
land as we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that for 
these two causes. First, because we are the seruants of lames King 
of England, whose the land (as he confessetli) is, 2. because he 
hath found vs iust, honest, kinde and peaceable, and so loues our 
company ; yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation 
on his part, nor feare of breach (except our securitie ingender in 
them some vnthought of trecherie, or our vnciuilitie prouoke them 
to anger) is most plaine in other Relations, which shew that the 
things they did were more out of loue then out of feare. 

It being then first a vast and emptie Chaos : Secondly acknow- 
ledged the right of our Soueraigne King : Thirdly, by a peace- 
able composition in part possessed of diuers of his louing subiects, 
I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesse of 
inhabiting or dwelling there, but that it may be as lawfull for 
such as are not tied vpon some speciall occasion here, to Hue 
there as well as here, yea, and as the enterprise is weightie and 
difficult, so the honour is more worthy, to plant a rude wilder- 
nesse, to enlarge the honour and fame of our dread Soueraigne, 
but chiefly to displaie the efficacie (fe power of the Gospell both 

6* in 



106 NEW. ENGLAND 



i 



in zealous preaching, professing, and wise walking vnder it, 
before the faces of these poore blinde Infidels. 

As for such as obiect the tediousnesse of the voyage thither, 
the danger of Pirats robberie, of the sauages trecherie, 

Prou. 22. 13. ' t) ' 

&c. these are but Lyons in the way, and it were well 

for such men if they were in heauen, for who can shew them a 

place in this world where iniquitie shall not compasse them at 

the heeles, and where they shall haue a day without 

griefe, or a lease of life for a moment ; and who can 

tell but God, what dangers may lie at our doores, 

euen in our natiue countrie, or what plots may be abroad, or 

when God will cause our sunne to goe downe at noone 

daies, and in the midst of our peace and securitie, lay 

vpon vs some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt 

of his most glorious Gospell. 

Ob. But we haue here great peace, plentie of the Gospell, and 
many sweet delights and varietie of comforts. 

A7tsw. True indeed, and farre be it from vs to denie and 
diminish the least of these mercies, but haue we ren- 

2 Chro 32 25 

■ " ~ ■ dered vnto God thankfull obedience for this long peace, 

whilst other peoples haue beene at wars ? haue we not rather 

murmured, repined, and fallen at iars amongst our selues, whilst 

our peace hath lasted with forraigne power? was there euermore 

suits in law, more enuie, contempt and reproch then 

Oen. 33. 9, 10. , • , ^ 7 , , t 1 , , 

now adaies .' Abraham and Lot departed asunder 
when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by 
the straightnesse of the land : and surely I am perswaded, that 
howsoeuer the frailties of men are principall in all contentions, 
yet the straitnes of the place is such, as each man is faine to 
plucke his meanes as it were out of his neighbours throat, there 
is such pressing and oppressing in towne and countrie, about 
Farmes, trades, traflique, &c. so as a man can liardly any where 
set vp a trade but he shall pull downe two of his neighbours. 

The Townes abound with young trades-men, and the Hospitals 
are full of the Auncient, the country is replenished with new 
Farmers, and the Almes-houses are filled with old Laboui-ers, 
many there are who get their lining with bearing burdens, but 
more are faine to burden the land with their whole bodies : multi- 
tudes 



IN AMERICA.: 107 

tudes get their meanes of life by prating, and so doe numbers 
more by begging. Neither come these straits vpon men ahvaies 
through intemperancy, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &;c. as some 
thinke, but euen the most wise, sober, and discreet men, goe 
often to the wall, when they haue done their best, wherein as 
Grod's prouidence swaieth all, so it is easie to see, that the strait- 
nesse of the place hauing in it so many strait hearts, cannot but 
produce such effects more and more, so as euery indifferent 
minded man should be ready to say with Father Abraham, Take 
thou the right hand, and I will take the left : Let vs not thus op- 
presse, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a 
spatious Land, the way to which is thorow the sea, wee will end 
this difference in a day. 

That I speake nothing about the bitter contention that hath 
beene about Religion, by writing, disputing, and inueighing 
earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeale, if it were 
turned against the rude barbarisme of the Heathens, it might doe 
more good in a day, then it hath done here in many yeares. 
Neither of the little loue to the Gospell, and profit which is made 
by the Preachers in most places, which might easily driue the 
zealous to the Heathens who no doubt if they had but a drop of 
that knowledge which here flieth about the streetes, would be 
filled with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse, as that they would 
euen plucke the kingdome of heauen by violence, and take it as 
it were by force. 

The arreatest let that is yet behinde is the sweet fel- 

. The last let 

lowship of friends, and the satietie of bodily delights. 

But can there be two neerer friends almost then Abraham and 
Lot, or then Paul and Barnabas, and yet vpon as little occasions 
as we haue heere, they departed asunder, two of them being 
Patriarchs of the Church of old ; the other the Apostles of the 
Church which is new, and their couenants were such as it seem- 
eth might binde as much as any couenant betweene men at this 
day, and yet to auoid greater inconueniences they departed 
asunder. 

Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not 
to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety 
of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is much 

endangered, 



108 NEW. ENGLAND 

endangered, by mixtures vpon the stomach : The delights of the 
palate doe often inflame the vitall parts : as the tongue 
setteth a fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties 
here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap 
at a crust. The rent taker Hues on sweet morsels, but the rent 
payer eats a drie crust often with watery eies : and it is nothing 
to say what some one of a hundreth hath, but what the bulke, 
body and cominalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough. 

And they also which now Hue so sweetly, hardly will their 
children attaine to that priuiledge, but some circumuentor or 
other will outstrip them, and make them sit in the dust, to which 
men are brought in one age, but cannot get out of it againe in 7. 
generations. 

To conclude, without all partialitie, the present consumption 
which groweth vpon vs here, whilst the land groaneth vnder so 
many close-fisted and vnmercifull men, being compared with the 
easinesse, plainenesse and plentifulnesse in liuing in those remote 
places, may quickly perswade any man to a liking of this course, 
and to practise a remoual, which being done by honest, godly and 
industrious men, they shall there be right hartily welcome, but 
for other of dissolute and prophane life, their roomes are better 
then their companies ; for if here where the Gospell hath beene 
so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such 
vices as the Heathen would shame to speake of, what will they 
be when there is lesse restraint in word and deed ? My onely 
sute to all men is, that Avhether they liue there or here, they 
Avould learne to vse this world as they vsed it not, keeping faith 
and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and 
fruitfull seruants, and freely be receiued, and enter into the ioy 
of their master. 

R. C: 



FINIS. 



HISTORICAL 



AND 



LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 



OF 



PRINCIPLES, PEOVIDENCES, AND PEESONS. 



CHAPTER L 

PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, PERSONS. THE COLONY OF PRIN- 
CIPLE, AND THE COLONY OF GAIN. 

Principles, Providences, Persons. This is God's or- 
der ; principles come first, providences next, persons last. 
Principles are eternal. Providences develope principles, 
principles make persons. Sometimes principles, provi- 
dences, and persons all go to form other persons, so direct- 
ly and visibly, that the combination arrests a reflecting 
mind as indicative of some great and special design. This 
is the case in the history of the formation of character in 
a man like Luther. Indeed, persons can be used as instru- 
mentalities in no grander v^^ay, and on no sublimer mission, 
than informing other persons ; the greatest w^ork of souls 
is upon souls, not upon railroads and steam-engines. Pro- 
vidences are the discipline of persons with respect to prin- 
ciples. Providences sometimes are the revelation of prin- 
ciples to persons, and sometimes they are the preparation 
of persons to sustain, hold forth, illustrate, and apply 
principles. Then again the principles sustain the persons 
to bear the providences, to understand them, and to carry 
forward their design. 

In no company of men that the world ever saw was the 
Providence and Grace of God illustrated more remarkably, 
than with our Pilgrim Fathers. But God selected them 



112 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

for a work, not for an immediate and glorious exhibition 
either of principles or graces. They were rather for the 
present, in their own humble language, " stepping stones," 
at the foundation, to be polished by being walked upon, 
than precious stones set for ornament and admiration 
in the superstructure. They are in the superstructure 
now, infinitely perfect, infinitely glorious ; but on earth 
they were a company of God's workmen, God's operatives, 
and not mere incumbents of the sinecures of Grace, if 
there could be such a thing ; nor merely the vivid pietists 
of glowing sensibilities, out of whose experience a diary 
of great depths and heights in the religious aflfections might 
be spread before the world. No ! they were to suffer and 
to do God's will, as patient, pioneering laborers ; laborers 
in a work of ages, by which, generation after generation, 
great principles should be more and more fully developed 
and established ; principles for the building of a new world, 
and the renovation of an old. 

They had scarcely time for any other spiritual work or 
enjoyment, than the Word of God and prayer. They 
could not be brooding over their affections, or analysing 
the processes of grace. Men who have to count, miserly, 
the kernels of corn for their daily bread, and to till their 
ground staggering through weakness from the effect of 
famine, can do but little in settling the metaphysics of faith, 
or in counting frames, and gauging the exercises of their 
feelings. Grim necessity of hunger looks morbid sensibili' 
ty out of countenance. 

Nevertheless, they were spiritually minded and experi- 
mental Christians, and they both acted upon principles and 
acted them out. Where before had there ever been a 
band of colonists in the World that did this ? We know 
of none. A thousand colonies might be banded by the 
principles of gain, and thriving, like so many bee-liives ; 
this was no more than the city of London itself was doing, 
with its knots of merchant adventurers. A Fur company 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 113 

or a Wampum society in the wilderness has no more of a 
colonizing impulse, although they may leave their homes to 
dwell among savages, than the tradesmen in the Strand, 
who buy and sell, possibly without ever going a mile from 
their own door. But these impulses of gain, these enter- 
prises of traffic, are not to be dignified with the name of 
principles. Nay, sometimes of such colonizing expeditions 
God says, " Because thou hast forgotten the God of thy 
salvation, and hast not been mindful of the stock of thy 
strength, therefore shalt thou plant pleasant plants, and 
shalt set it with strange slips. In the day shalt thou make 
thy plant to grow, and in the morning shalt thou make thy 
seed to flourish ; but the harvest shall be an heap in the 
day of grief and of desperate sorrow." 

It has been noted by more than one historian how sig- 
nally every attempt to colonize any part of New England 
failed, until the enterprise of our Pilgrim Fathers was be- 
gun from a high sense of duty and in reliance upon God. 
" The designs of those attempts," remarks Cotton Mather, 
" being aimed no higher than the advancement of some 
worldly interests, a constant series of disasters has con- 
founded them, until there was a plantation erected upon 
the nobler designs of Christianity." All men were aware 
of this. It was well known how wide was the distinction 
between a purely religious and a worldly colony, and that 
nothing but religion supported the enterprise of the Pilgrims. 
It was easy to colonize after they had opened the way, and 
made a clearing, a cornfield, a house of God, and a settle- 
ment in the wilderness. 

Cotton Mather relates an amusing characteristic anec- 
dote of one of the north-eastern fishing and trading settle- 
ments. He says that one of the Massachusetts ministers, 
once preaching to a congregation in those settlemejits 
(probably a hard and heedless set), besought them to be- 
come religious and to approve themselves as such, for this 
reason, among others, that if they did not, they would con- 



114 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

tradict the main end of planting this wilderness ; where- 
upon, a well known person, then in the assembly, cried out, 
" Sir, you are mistaken : you think you are preaching to 
the people at the Bav : but our main end was to catch 
fish." 

They were accomplishing </ietV main end, and so were 
the Pilgrim Fathers theirs ; but there was not a colony in 
existence that did not know and acknowledge the differ- 
ence between them and the Plymouth Pilgrims. That 
band of colonists had a sacredness in the eye of the whole 
world. There was no other company like them ; there 
never would be another such. 

They were religious Pilgrims, not tradesmen. We read 
much in their earliest history concerning a set of persons 
called Merchant Adventurers. God made no little use of 
such men for a season, both to discipline the Pilgrims, and 
to forward their enterprise. They were as the scaffolding 
of the building, by which God would put his living stones 
in their places, and then take the frame away. 

Foundation and corner stones (remarks Mr. Hubbard, 
in his History of New England), though buried, and lying 
low under ground, ought not to be out of mind, seeing they 
support and bear up the weight of the whole building. 
This is eminently true of the unostentatious, but enduring 
and solid virtues of our Pilgrim Fathers. In their charac- 
ters and habits God was laying the foundations of a people, 
among whom labor should be respectable in all classes, 
and industry and frugality native and national qualities. 
They were all laborers, they were almost all farmers, or 
had been, and labor with them was caused to be, by God's 
Providence, a necessity of their existence. The two fore- 
most men among them had learned, the one the trade of a 
silk-dyer, the other the art of a printer ; and both of them, 
the Governor and the Elder, labored with their hands, 
like the poorest and meanest of their comp'any. There 
was no such thing in existence among them as slavery, to 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 115 

make labor disreputable ; nor any monopoly of luxury, to 
make idleness, and being waited on, the distinctions of a 
gentleman. They were all free; they were almost all 
Christian freemen ; with whom self-denial was not only a 
necessity of God's Providence in their great enterprise, but 
always a duty of self-discipline. They went back to primi- 
tive times ; if any will not work, neither shall he eat ; yet not 
they, by their legislation, but God carrying them by his spirit 
and his discipline. And in their habit of labor among all 
classes, and of a simple competence gained by each family 
through industry and frugality, they laid the foundations of 
a state, in which not only labor itself was more reputable 
than in any other country in the world, but in which 
ignorance, and idleness, and poverty were almost unknown, 
till other countries contributed these foreign ingredients. 

This is a world of labor, and always must and will be ; 
but there only, where freedom and piety prevail, will labor, 
to the world's end, be regarded as honorable and noble. 
" I have spoken of labor," says Mr. Webster in one of his 
true New England speeches, " as one of the great ele- 
ments of our society, the great substantial interest on which 
we all stand. Not feudal service, not predial toil, not the 
irksome drudgery by one race of mankind, subjected, on 
account of color, to the control of another race of man- 
kind ; but labor, intelligent, manly, independent, thinking 
ar^d acting for itself, earning its own wages, accumulating 
those wages into capital, becoming a part' of our social 
system, educating childhood, maintaining worship, claiming 
the right of the elective franchise, and helping to uphold 
the great fabric of the State. That is American Labor, 
and I confess that all my sympathies are with it, and my 
voice, until I am dumb, will be for it." 

And the foundation of that system goes back to the day, 
when Bradford, Brewster, and Winslow labored in the 
field together, builded their own houses, planted their own 
corn, and, as truly as the lowliest of the Pilgrims, gained 



116 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

their own bread by the sweat of their brow. But they did 
this, inspired by heavenly motives, for a heavenly end. 
Their religious faith and zeal, and the exalted nature of 
their purposes, turned all the drudgery of life into some- 
thing noble and divine. They realized the beautiful 
aspirations of one of the sweet poets, favorite at that day 
among the Puritans ; one who prophesiedof the glory of the 
Church in this Western World ; one who, in a few simple 
stanzas, has conveyed the whole secret of conquest, as well 
as happiness, in the Colony of our Pilgrim Fathers, the 
Colony of principle and not of gain. For thy sake, reads 
the story both of their piety and prosperity, their persever- 
ance and success. 

Teach me, my God and King, 
In all things Thee to see ; 
And, what I do in anything, 
To do it as for Thee : 

Not rudely, as a beast, 
To run into an action ; 
But still to make Thee prepossessed, 
And give it Thy perfection. 

A man that looks on glass 
On it may stay his eye ; 
Or, if he pleaseth, through it pass, 
And then the heaven espy. 

All may of Thee partake ; 
Nothing can be so mean, 
Which, with this tincture. For thv sake, 
Will not grow bright and clean, 

A servant, with this clause, 
Makes drudgery divine ; 
Who sweeps a room, as for thy laws, 
Makes that, and the action, fine. 

This is the famous stone, 
That turneth all to gold : 
For that which God doth touch and own 
Cannot for less be told. 

George Herbert. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS- 

The Virginia Company and the Merchant Adventurers 
being both connected with the early efforts of the Pilgrims 
in their colonizing enterprise, we will trace these phenome- 
na briefly from the beginning. 

In 1584 an expedition under patent from Elizabeth, was 
fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, and the first discovery 
was made, and rude possession taken, of the country then 
first named Virginia. Its extent took in the whole United 
States, being very indefinitely comprehensive. Some at- 
tempts were immediately made for colonizing, but they 
came to nothing. 

In the year 1602, Captain Bart. Gosnold, setting out for 
Virginia, discovered Cape Cod. He made so success- 
ful a voyage, that on his return, two companies were in- 
corporated by King James in one Patent, bearing date of 
April 10th, 1606. The first Company consisting of mem- 
bers of the honorable city of London, and such adventur- 
ers as might join with them, were restricted to that part of 
the Coast of Virginia, between 34 and 41 degrees north 
latitude. The second company, from the cities of Bristol, 
Exeter, Plymouth, and other western parts of England, had 
their range between 38 and 45 degrees. They were per- 
mitted to settle 100 miles along the coast, and 100 
miles within land, but were to keep 100 miles from each 



118 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Other's limits. The whole country, including all New 
England, was then called Virginia, and was particularized 
by no other distinction than that of the names of Virginia 
North and South. 

The proprietors of the patent for South Virginia began 
their settlement that same year, 1606, on James's River, 
and the next year laid the foundations of Jamestown. 

The proprietors of the patent for North Virginia, Lord 
Chief Justice Popham, Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and others 
(sometimes called the Plymouth Company, as those of the 
South were called the London Company), likewise attempt- 
ed a settlement at the North, which utterly failed, in the 
same years in which God was removing from England 
into Holland that Church Vine for which he was reserving 
the possessions of these Northern Patentees. These men, 
after a few unsuccessful efforts, gave up all thought of any 
plantation. 

In the year 1614 came the voyage of Captain Smith, 
with his plan of North Virginia, which he called New 
England ; and after this date the name Virginia is con- 
fined to the possessions of the London Company, or the 
Southern Colony. And it was with this Virginia Company 
that the Pilgrims first endeavored to make their arrange- 
ments. And it was in the year 1617, when they first set 
on foot their plan of removal to America, that the great 
plague visited New England, and swept away thousands 
upon thousands of the natives. 

Upon their talk of removing, sundry persons of note 
among the Dutch would have them go under them, and 
made them large offers. '* But choosing to go under the 
English government, where they might enjoy their reli- 
gious privileges without molestation, after humble prayers 
to God they first debated whether to go to Guiana or Vir- 
ginia. And though some, and none of the meanest, were 
earnest for the former, they at length determined for the 
latter, so as to settle in a distant body, but under the gene- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 119 

ral government of Virginia. Upon which they sent Mr. 
Robert Cushman and Mr. John Carver to treat with the 
Virginia Company, and see if the King would give them 
Liberty of Conscience there."* 

Doubtless, if the King had given them Liberty of Con- 
science there, they would have gone out under the govern- 
ment of Virginia. And ill would it have fared with them, 
if that had been the case. For Virginia had been colonized 
by persons strongly attached to the Establishment, and un- 
der strict injunctions from the King that " the word and 
service of God should be preached and used according to 
the rites and doctrines of the Church of England." They 
would certainly have had difficulty there, even with a sepa- 
rate Charter, for Liberty of Conscience, with a seal as 
broad as a barn-floor. It had been wisely objected that 
"if they lived among the English which were planted at 
Virginia, or so near them as to be under their government, 
they would be in as great danger to be troubled and perse- 
cuted for their cause of religion as if they lived in England, 
and it might be worse." Nevertheless, they seem to have 
thought that an article from the King concerning liberty 
of conscience would secure all ; and their determination 
was, if they could get it, to go out under the Virginia Com- 
pany. To this end they sent Cushman and Carver to 
England. 

But though these agents of Mr. Robinson's people " find 
the Virginia company " (says Governor Bradford) " very 
desirous of their going to the West India Territory, and 
willing to grant them a patent with as ample privileges as 
they could grant to any, and some of the chief of the com- 
pany doubted not to obtain their suit of the King for Libei-- 
ty in Religion, and to have it under the broad seal, as was 
desired, yet they found it a harder piece of work than they 
expected. For though many means were used, and diverse 

* Prince's Clironology, Part I. p. 49. 



130 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

persons of worth, with Sir Robert Naunton, chief Secreta- 
ry of State, labored with the King to obtain it, and others 
wrought with the Archbishop to give way thereto, yet all 
in vain. They indeed prevail so far, as that the King 
would connive at them and not molest them, provided they 
carry peaceably ; but to tolerate them by his public au- 
thority, under his seal, could not be granted. Upon which 
the agents return to Leyden, to the great discouragement 
of the people who sent them."* 

This was a most auspicious discouragement and refusal. 
The mind pauses upon the idea of our Pilgrim Fathers 
making their first settlement in the West Indies, and one 
cannot but see in imagination the train of evils that would 
thence have ensued, in the undoubted flocking of a herd of 
worthless adventurers to swamp the Colony in that delicious 
climate, with indolence, divisions, insubordination, and dis- 
solute habits. They would better have gone to Guiana, 
the romantic paradise of Raleigh's genius, whither his book 
of description, published in 1596, had directed their atten- 
tion, as to a fair, rich, and mighty empire, where the trees 
were in delicious groves, where the deer came at call, 
where the evening birds were singing a thousand charming 
tunes to gentle airs in the forest, and where the very stones 
beneath their feet promised gold and silver. But these 
golden images had little power over the souls of the Pil- 
grims. 

Casting themselves upon Divine Providence, they re- 
solved to venture, getting as good a patent as they could, 
even without Liberty of Conscience. After long vexation 
and delay, through the disturbances and factions into which 
the Virginia Company had fallen, they did at length, in 
1C19, obtain a patent granted and confirmed under the Vir- 
ginia Company's Seal. But here again, God was before- 
hand with them, arranging for them their disappointments 
as well as their accomplishments. The patent was taken 
out in the name of Mr. John Wincob, a religious gentle- 

* Prince, from Bradford, 50. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 121 

man of the household of the Countess of Lincohi, wliose 
intention had been to go with them. But God so ordered 
that he never went, and they never made the least use of his 
patent, though it had cost them so much expense and labor. 

Here first rise into notice those Merchant Adventurers, 
under agreement with whom, and partly at whose charge, 
the Pilgrims did at length begin their settlement. The 
patent which they had obtained was carried, says Goveraor 
Bradford, by one of their messengers to Leyden, for the 
people to consider, together with several proposals for 
their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of Lon- 
don, Merchant, and such other friends and merchants as 
should either go or adventure with them. And so they 
were requested to prepare with speed for the voyage, leav- 
ing it with their agents, Messrs. Cushman and Carver, to 
perfect the arrangements in England with the Merchant 
Adventurers. 

Meanwhile the noblemen and gentlemen engaged before 
in the old patent for North Virginia were seeking a new 
and separate patent of incorporation for New England, 
under the style and title of the council established at Ply- 
mouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, or- 
dering, and governing of New England, in America, 
which, says Mr. Prince, is the great and civil basis of all 
the future patents and plantations that divide this country. 
This patent they at length obtained from King James ; but 
it was not signed by the King until long after the Pilgrims 
had set sail, not indeed till Nov. 3d, 1G20, just before the 
May Flower anchored in Cape Cod Harbor. There the 
Pilgrims were to land in New England, unchartered by 
any earthly power, and were to take possession at Ply- 
mouth of their desired retreat in the wilderness, in full 
liberty of conscience, unpatented and unfettered. A patent 
for them under the new incorporation was not till after- 
wards taken out in the name of Mr. John Peirce, who, as 
we have seen, treacherously endeavored to secure it under 



122 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

his own power, allowing the Colony only what privileges 
he pleased. 

In their arrangements for the voyage, and the business 
foundation and management of the Colony, the Pilgrims 
were very much at the mercy of the Merchant Adven- 
turers, their own finances, after the expenses they were at, 
being in an exhausted state. They had to rely upon Mr. 
Weston and the Merchants for shipping and money to as- 
sist in their transportation. They therefore entered into a 
seven years' co-partnership with the Merchant Adventurers, 
so as to form with them one company, the articles being 
greatly to the advantage of the jMerchants, and hard upon 
the Pilgrims, as might naturally be supposed. The most 
that is known of these Adventurers, except what was de- 
veloped afterwards in regard to the character of indi- 
viduals, is recorded by Captain .Tohn Smith, in the year 
1624. " The adventurers,*' says he, " which raised the stock 
to begin and supply this plantation, were about seventy, 
some merchants, some handicraftsmen, some adventuring 
great sums, some small, as their aflections served. The 
genaral stock already employed is about 7000 pounds, by 
reason of which charge and many crosses, many would 
adventure no more ; but others, that know so great charge 
cannot be eftected without both losses and crosses, are re- 
solved to go forward with it to their powers ; which de- 
serve no small commendation and encouragement. These 
dwell most about London. They are not a corporation, 
but knit together by a voluntary combination, in a society, 
without constraint or penalty, aiming to do good, and to 
plant religion." 

Captain Smith seems not to have been aware of the di- 
visions and conspiracies among a number of the members 
of this company. These things connected the history of 
the Merchant Adventurers for a little time, disastrously, as 
it seemed to human judgment, but beneficially, doubtless, 
in the result, wath the progress of the Colony. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT FOR 

THE TRANSPORTATION OF THE PILGRIMS OTHERAVISt THE 

CO-PARTNERSHIP. END OF THE COMPANY. 

To DO good and to plant religion, was far from being the 
desire, as the sequel proved, of some of these men. Some 
of them became enemies of the Colony ; others endeavored 
treacherously to upset its church and government, and en- 
tered into a conspiracy for that purpose. Some of them 
were bitter enemies of Robinson, and endeavored success- 
fully to hinder his joining the Colony, being afraid of his 
powerful religious influence. Their character and treache- 
rous dealings are partly laid open in a letter from Robinson 
himself to Brewster, preserved in Dr. Young's Chronicles 
of the Pilgrims, in which he says — " As for these adver- 
saries, if they have but half their will to their malice, the)'' 
will stop my course when they see it intended." It was a 
faction of the Adventurers, as we shall see, who sent over 
to the Colony that miserable creature, Lyford, to be their 
minister, in order to hinder Mr. Robinson, and whose base 
intentions were so signally exposed and defeated by the 
prudence and energy of Governor Bradford. On the 
whole, the Colony suffered much from these Adventu- 
rers, although some of them were sincerely pious men, 
bent on doing good ; firm and undeviating friends to the 



124 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Colonists, and laboring with them, and intending to join 
them in person. 

Of this number was Mr, James Sherley, so honorably 
noticed by Governor Bradford, as a chief friend of the 
plantation. Mr. Cushman had written to the Governor, 
informing him of the sore sickness of Sherley, when he 
lay at the point of death ; declaring his love and helpful- 
ness in all things, and bemoaning the loss of the Pilgrims 
if God should take him away, as being the stay and life of 
the business. 

But it is evident enough there were not many of this 
noble stamp. Some of those the most relied upon proved 
enemies, as was found in the case of this Mr. Thomas 
Weston, who took so prominent and busy a part in getting 
the Pilgrims away, and who came from London to South- 
ampton, to see them finally despatched. There was some 
trouble with him even at the outset; for May 25th, J620, 
Mr. Robinson had to write to Mr. Carver, complaining of 
Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England, for 
want of which they were in a piteous case at Leyden. 
But his character was not fully revealed till the year 1622, 
when he sent out two ships and a band of men to settle a 
plantation for himself, in Massachusetts Bay, for which he 
had procured a patent. The notice of this colony will be 
given in another chapter; but at present we make in this 
connexion an extract from Governor Bradford's Journal, as 
given in Prince, which is as follows, under date of the 
spring of 1623 : — 

" Shortly after Mr. Weston's people went to the eastward, lie 
comes there himself, with some of the fishermen, under another 
name, and disguisaof a blacksmith ; where he hears the ruin of 
his plantation, and getting a shallop with a man or two, comes to 
see how things are, but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of 
the bay between Piscataquak and Merrimack river, and hardly 
escapes with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the 
Indians, who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 125 

him of all his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Piscata- 
quak, borrows a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, 
and desires to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our 
straits, yet in consideration of his necessity, we let him have 170 
odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the Eastward, stays 
his small ship and some of his men, buys provision and fits him- 
self, which is the foundation of his future courses ; and yet he 
never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our 
enemy on all occasions."* 

But now the Colony, in the good providence of God, was 
rapidly getting beyond the reach of enmity, and in a con- 
dition to command friends. In England men began more 
and more to look thitherward across the ocean, as a refuge 
from the evils of their own home. 

Mr. Sherley himself, who recovered from the dangerous 
illness spoken of above, wrote to the Plymouth Colonists, 
Dec. 27, 1627,t describing, in part, the enmity of the Ad- 
venturers, against both the Pilgrims and himself. " The 
sole cause," says he, " why the greater part of the Adven- 
turers malign me, was, that I would not side with them 
against you, and against the coming over of the Leyden 
people ; and assuredly, unless the Lord be merciful to us 
and the whole land in general, our condition is far worse 
than yours. Wherefore, if the Lord should send persecu- 
tion here, which is much to be feared, and should put into 
our minds to fly for refuge, I know no place safer than to 
come to you." 

Looking to the character and ends of many of these 
Merchant Adventurers, as thus developed, and considering 
the manner in which the pilgrims were thrown into their 
power, when they entered into co-partnership with them 
for the commencement of the Colony, we read without sur- 
prise the articles and conditions of their agreement. With- 

* Prince's New Eng. Chron., vol i. p. 134. f Prince, vol. i. p. I6f>. 



126 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

out consenting to these conditions, the Pilgrims could not 
have been transported to America. Mr. Weston had much 
of the management in his hands, and Mr. Cushman, the 
principal agent of the Pilgrims, found himself compelled to 
accede to the proposals, " although they were very afflictive 
to the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage, and 
hard enough for the poor people, that were to adventure 
their persons as well as their estates." To the reluctance 
expressed, and complaints made, Mr. Cushman was obliged 
to answer, " that unless they had so ordered tiie conditions, 
the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and ne- 
cessity, they said, having no law, they were constrained to 
be silent." 

The co-partnership was for seven years. The shares 
were ten pounds each. For every person going, the per- 
sonality (that is, from sixteen years of age) was accounted 
one share for him, and every ten pounds put in by him, was 
accounted an additional share. At the end of the copart- 
nership of seven years, all the possessions of the colony, 
with everything gained by them, were to be equally di- 
vided among the whole of the Adventurers, Merchants as 
well as Pilgrims. Such was the essence of the copartner- 
ship, on the grounds of which alone the Pilgrims could find 
friends to help them in getting to America. Such a trading 
company was none of their seeking, nor was it the object 
of their religious enterprise ; but God made use of it for 
them, as we have said, in the place of pulleys and frame- 
work, to hoist the stones of his Living Temple into their 
intended position ; and when that was done, the frame-work 
went into various uses and places, but was much of it, as 
useless lumber, thrown away. 

In form, the Articles of Agreement between the Pilgrims 
and the Merchant Adventurers were precisely as follows, 
in ten particulars : 

1. The Adventurers and Planters do agree that every 
person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upwards, be 



OF rulMCIPLKS, FKOViDliMCKtJ, AND PKHSONS. 127 

rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a 
single share. 

2. Tliat he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself 
out with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, 
be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the 
divisions shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported, and the Adventurers, shall 
continue their joint stock and partnership the space of 
seven years, except some unexpected impediments do cause 
the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during which 
time all profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, 
trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other 
person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock 
until the division, 

4. That at their coming there, they shall choose out such 
a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats 
for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest in their several 
faculties upon the land, as building houses, tilling and plant- 
ing the ground, and making such commodities as shall be 
most useful for the Colony. 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and the 
profits, namely, the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be 
equally divided among the Adventurers. 

6. Whoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth 
anytlj^ing into the stock, shall, at the end of the seven 
years, be allowed proportionally to the time of his so 
doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, 
shall be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years 
and upwards, a single share in the division ; or if he pro- 
vide them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be be- 
tween ten years old and sixteen, then two of them to be 
reckoned for a person, both in transportation and division. 

8. That such children as now go, and are under the age 
of ten years, have no other share in the division than fifty 
acres of unmanured land. 



V2S HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

0. Tluit such persons as die before the seven years be 
expired, their executors to have their parts or share at the 
division, ])roportionab]y to the time of their Ufe in the 
Colony. 

10. That all such persons as are of the Colony to have 
meat, drink, apparel, and all provisions, out of the common 
stock and goods of said Colony. 

Such was the rigorous contract, by which alone the 
Pilgrims were enabled to raise the means for their trans- 
portation and first establishment as a Colony. 

Under these agreements it might well be said that it 
cost the first Pilgrims seven years of hard labor to get 
from England to America. This copartnership was in 
reality their passage money. They had to " prepare for it 
with speed, sell their estates, and put their money into a 
common stock, to be disposed by their managers for mak- 
ing general provisions." They then had, for some years, a 
dependence upon, and connexion with, the Merchant Ad- 
venturers, which grew more and more perplexing every 
month. It proved the means of introducing worthless 
men among them, or round about them, Canaanites and 
Jebusites to be yet in the land, as thorns for them. Some, 
who came to join the Pilgrims, at the bidding or permis- 
sion of the Merchant Adventurers, "were so bad, that 
they were forced to be at the charge to send them home 
the very next year." But any expense could better be 
endured than the presence of such vicious, corrupting, 
destructive elements among them. 

In the summer of 1C23 there came a letter to the Pil- 
grims subscribed by thirteen of the Adventurers, kindly, 
and encouraging. " Let it not be grievous to you," said 
they, " that you have been the instruments to break the ice 
for others, who come after with less difficulty ; the honor 
shall be yours to the world's end. We bear you always 
in our breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 129 

as are the hearts of hundreds more, which never saw your 
faces, who doubtless pray your safety as their own." 

But in the spring of 1C24, Mr. Winslow, whom the Pil- 
grims had sent over as their agent, returned from England, 
bringing a " sad account of a strong faction among the Ad- 
venturers against us, and especially against the coming of 
Mr. Robinson, and the rest from Leyden." The result of 
the conspiracy,of this faction, as well as the nature and pur- 
pose of it, will be seen detailed in our Chapter concerning 
the first imposition of a minister. We have now only to 
follow the Adventurers to the end of their copartnership. 

By the year 1624, the general stock already employed 
by the Adventurers to Plymouth, as related in Prince from 
Smith's History, was about seven thousand pounds. 

By the year 1625, upon the discovery and explosion of 
the plot against the Pilgrims, and the decision of Oldham, 
who was the instrument of the faction among the Mer- 
chants, to stay at Nantasket and trade for himself, " the 
company of Adventurers to Plymouth," says Governor 
Bradford, "brake in pieces, two thirds of them deserting 
us." 

But they not only deserted the Colony, but turned against 
it, and went so far as to attempt undermining its trade and 
taking its property. They sent out a ship for fishing, and 
took tlie stage of the Pilgrims and other provisions, or ar- 
rangements prepared the year before for fishing at Cape 
Ann at a great expense on the part of the Colony, and 
refused to restore the property without fighting. *' Upon 
which," as the record reads in Mr. Prince's Chronology, 
" we let them keep it, and our Governor sends some plant- 
ers to help the fishermen build another." 

Upon which we let them keep it. What an instance of 
noble, Christian magnanimity and forbearance ! When 
Captain Miles Standish came, he could hardly endure it, 
and was for reclaiming it by force with a soldier's argu- 
ments ; but the nobler conquest by far was that of a proud 



130 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

generosity and Christian principle that would not fight for 
a summer's fishing tackle ; and the end was, we let t/ietn 
keep it, and much good may it do them. 

Some of the Adventurers still remained friendly to the 
Pilgrims. We shall see further detail in regard to their 
character, letters, and measures, in the Chapter on Governor 
Bradford's Letter Book. At present they wrote by Mr. 
Winslow as follows : 

" We cannot forget you, nor our friendship and fellowship we 
have had some years. Our hearty aftections towards you (un- 
known by face) have been no less than to our nearest friends, 
yea, to our own selves. As there has been a faction among us 
more than two years, so now there is an utter breach and seques- 
tration. The Company's debts are no less than 1400 pounds, 
and we hope you will do your best to free them. We are still 
persuaded you are the people that must make a plantation in 
those remote places, where all others fail. We have sent some 
cattle, clothes, hoes, shoes, leather, &c., for Allerton and Wins- 
low to sell as our factors." 

The positive proof accompanying these professions of 
friendship was, that the goods were ordered to be sold at 
the enormous rate of seventy per cent, advance ; a thing, 
as Governor Bradford quietly remarks, " thought unrea- 
sonable, and a great oppression." Seventy per cent, ad- 
vance, and hearty affections as to their own selves ! Some- 
what, still, of bitter experience for the Pilgrims; but there 
was no help for it, and the cattle they found the best com- 
modity. A very unconscious satire, on their part. 

On the receipt of these affections, cattle, shoes, &c., the 
Pilgrims despatched Captain Standish as their agent " both 
to the remaining Adventurers for more goods, and to the 
New England Council, to oblige the others (the factious 
and inimical Adventurers) to come to a composition." 
They chose the military man of the Colony for this, one 
who would fear nothing, and possessed a marvellous de- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, ANU PERSONS. 131 

gree of decision and energy of character. But the Cap- 
tain arrived in London in the very midst of the Plague ; 
not the great Plague described by De Foe, but its forerun- 
ner by some years ; when such multitudes were dying 
every week, that Trade itself was dead, and no business 
could be accomplished. Nevertheless, the Captain en- 
gaged several of the New England Council to promise 
their helpfulness to the plantation ; but the friendly Ad- 
venturers he found so weakened by losses, that they could 
do but little. The Captain had to take up 150 pounds at 
the enormous rate of fifty per cent, interest. And when 
he returned he brought the sad news not only of great 
losses sustained by some of their friends, but of the death 
of others by the Plague, and above all, that their beloved 
Pastor Robinson, whom they had been hoping to welcome 
among them, had gone to his rest. Their ancient friend, 
■ Mr. Cushman, was also dead, "their right hand with the 
Adventurers, who for years had managed all their business 
with them, to their great advantage." 

At length, in the autumn of 1626, they sent over Mr. 
Allerton, who, after no small trouble, with the help of 
some faithful, energetic friends, brought the Adventurers 
to a settlement. They agreed to sell out to the Pilgrims 
all their interest in the Colony for the sum of 1800 pounds, 
of which 200 should be paid every year, beginning in 1628. 
The Colonists rejoiced in this arrangement, although, being 
forced to take up money or goods at such enormous inter- 
est, they scarcely knew how to raise the payment, and at 
the same time discharge their other engagements, and sup- 
ply their own wants. Seven or eight of the principal men 
among them had to become jointly bound, in behalf of the 
rest, for the whole amount. Besides this, the whole Colony 
were anxious to assist their friends at Leaden to get over 
to them ; and for this purpose eight foremost men among 
them, with the three friendly Adventurers in England, 
Sherley, Beauchamp, and Andrews, entered into an en- 



132 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

gagenient, taking the trade of the Colony for six years, to 
pay all their debts, and transport the remainder of the 
Church from Leyden to Plymouth. By means of this ar- 
rangement, thirty-five of their friends with their families 
were enabled to join them in 1629, their expenses being 
paid, from 30 to 50 pounds a family ; " besides giving them 
houses, preparing them grounds to plant on, and maintain- 
ing them with corn and other necessaries above 13 or 14 
months, before they had a harvest of their own produc- 
tion." The names of the Pilgrims by whom this difficult 
work was accomplished, in connexion with the friendly 
Adventurers above named, were Governor Bradford, Ed- 
ward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, William 
Brewster, John Alden, John Rowland, and Isaac Allerton. 

But their charge did not end here. In May, 1630, ano- 
ther company of their Leyden brethren arrived in the har- 
bor of Salem, the cost of whose provision and transporta- 
tion from Holland to England, from England to Salem, and 
from Salem with their goods to Plymouth, was all cheer- 
fully borne by the same " New Plymouth Undertakers," 
before named ; amounting to above five hundred and fifty 
pounds sterling, " besides the providing them housing, pre- 
paring them ground, and maintaining them with food for 
sixteen or eighteen months, before they had a harvest of 
their own ; all which came to nearly as much more. A 
rare example of brotherly love and Christian care in per- 
forming their promises to their brethren, even beyond their 
power."* 

These were great charges, but the Pilgrims had now 
everything under their own control. The perplexities of 
their copartnership with the Adventurers were at an end ; 
in their business arrangements they might deal now only 
with brethren and friends ; and they regarded the coming 
of the remainder of the Leyden Church, which once seemed 

* Bradford in Prince, 201 . 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 133 

SO hopeless, as a recompense from Heaven with a double 
blessing. They received the new companies of "godly 
friends and Christian brethren, as the beginning of a larger 
harvest to Christ, in the increase of his people and Churches 
in these parts of the earth, to the admiration of many, and 
almost wonder of the world." 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE PILGRIM CHURCH IN ENGLAND, AND THE FIRST CHURCH 

COMPACT. 

While men were contriving their pilgrimages and colo- 
nies of gain, God was arranging his of principle, and was 
selecting its instruments. It was the work of his Church. 
It was simply the early dispensation renewed, when men 
of God, scattered abroad by persecution, went preaching 
the word, and founding word-colonies of grace, amidst the 
wilderness of a Pagan civilization. But now a whole 
church was to be transplanted. Its materials must first be 
gathered and disciplined ; and for these God went into the 
despised non-conforming cottages and conventicles of 
England. There were noble preachers of God's Word 
then, even amidst all the turmoil and persecution about cere- 
monies; and the minister who would be a free and fearless 
preacher of God's Word at such a time, teaching God's 
fear, not by the precepts of men, vi^ould likely be God's 
honored instrument in preparing the materials for his in- 
tended Church Colony. 

Divine grace, as well as human wrath, must have been 
at work with great power at that period. Men who became 
Christians under such oppressions as they had to endure if 
they embraced the new discovered, but ancient truth of the 
independence of the Church under Christ only, would like- 
ly become such through deep and powerful experience. 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 135 

" I am afraid," said Sir Walter Raleigh, in a speech de- 
precating their banishment from England by oppression, 
" I am afraid there are nearly twenty thousand of these 
men ; and when they are driven out of the Kingdom, who 
shall support their wives and children '?" But mere driving 
them out of the Kingdom had been mercy, in comparison 
with the treatment they received. One whole Church, 
perhaps the earliest on independent principles formed in 
England, was hunted out by the sharp and eager cruelty 
of the Commissioners of Queen Elizabeth, the very year of 
its formation in London, in 1592, and fifty-six of its mem- 
bers were imprisoned, beaten, put to death in various ways, 
some by the inhuman cruelties of their confinement, some 
upon the gallows. The Queen's Commissioners, when 
these victims of the Protestant Persecutor refused to play 
the hypocrite by going to the State-Church, let them know 
that it was not piety to God they wished for, but obedience 
to the Queen ; and that with that they might do and be 
whatever of evil in religion they pleased. " Come to 
Church," said they, " and obey the Queen's laws ; and be a 
dissembler, a hypocrite, or a devil, if thou wilt." So this 
band of Christ's followers perished in England. It was not 
quite yet God's time for the sacred Colony. 

The foundation of the Pilgrim Church, and therefore the 
tap-root of New-England, runs back to the year 1602, 
when, in Governor Bradford's words, " several religious 
people near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, Lin- 
colnshire, and Yorkshire, finding their pious ministers urged 
with subscriptions, or silenced, and the people greatly vex- 
ed with Commissary Courts, Apparitors, and Pursuivants, 
which they bare sundry years with much patience, till they 
were occasioned by the continuance and increase of these 
troubles, and other means, to see further into these things 
by the light of the Word of God, — shake oflf this yoke 
of anti-Christian bondage ; and as the Lord's free people, 
join themselves by covenant into a church-state, to walk in 



136 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

all his ways, made known, or to be made known to them, 
according to their best endeavors, wliatever it cost them." 

The clearer and further insight, which these religious 
men, by means of these trials and persecutions obtained, 
by the light of God's Word, are stated by Governor Brad- 
ford to have been " that the ceremonies prescribed were 
unlawful, and also the lordly and tyrannous power of the 
prelates, who would, contrary to the freedom of the Gos- 
pel, load the consciences of men, and by their compulsive 
power make a profane mixture of things and persons in di- 
vine worship ; that their offices, courts, and canons were 
unlawful, being such as have no warrant in the Word of 
God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still re- 
tained."*, 

This little church compact, among a few despised per- 
sons, totally unknown in the world and uncared for, was 
one of the greatest events that had then ever taken place 
in the world's history. Out of that grew the celebrated 
civil and religious compact on board the May Flower ; out 
of that, indeed, sprang all the institutions of civil and reli- 
gious freedom in our country. That Church Compact in 
the Old World was the beginning both of form and life to 
the New. 

That little church covenant, that phenomenon of dissent, 
and conventicles, unnoticed at that time, except by the great 
red dragon of the twelfth of Revelations, was as the ridge 
of a mountain breaking suddenly out of the polished scurf 
and dust of established church despotisms, and rising to 
throw that bondage from the world. It is still rising, all 
over the earth, and the mountain of the Lord's House shall 
be established upon this top of the mountains, and all na- 
tions shall at length flow into it. It was a free, voluntary 
church, gathered by the Spirit of the Lord, and not by man's 
sacramental oaths and rubrics. A world was now to be 

* Bradford in Prince, 4. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 137 

founded, with no more mere ecclesiastico-polilical societies 
under the name of National Churches, combining together, 
like so many national menageries, bears, and calves, and 
sheep, and wild bulls of Bashan, and presenting a mere 
caricature of the prophetic reign of peace and righteous- 
ness on earth; the wolf and the lamb, the leopard and the 
kid, the cow and the bear, the calf, and the young lion, and 
the fatling together, and a little child leading them. This 
beautiful prediction in Isaiah was certainly never intended 
to be accomplished by driving together with fines and 
penalties the religious and the irreligious, the converted 
and the unconverted, to the Lord's Table, in the Lord's 
House, and proclaiming by law, The Temple of the Lord, 
the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord are these ! 

But how obscurely does God often begin the greatest of 
his revealing dispensations ! An old, old man, with a long 
white beard, takes a little child in his arms in the Jewish 
temple, and exclaims, "Lord, now lettest thou thy servant 
depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation !" 
It is the fulfilment of predictions, for which the great globe 
itself has been kept in its orbit for centuries. It is the 
beginning of a new creation of God. The personages dis- 
appear from the eye of sense, and the ages silently roll on, 
but the dispensation then begun, enlarges, till the whole 
world is filled with it. 

So, down among the obscurities of Lincolnshire, where 
no creature in the world knew what was going on, the lost 
old primitive model of the Christian Church was begun 
again, under Christ, the Shepherd and Bishop of Souls. If 
it had been known what great things were to spring from 
that covenant, all other interests at the gates of hell would 
have been left unguarded, to crush and annihilate that little 
despised band of worshippers. But yet in what utter 
obscurity the effort begins ! We love to dwell upon the 
scene, and upon Gov. Bradford's simple language, " Several 
did, as the Lord's free people, join themselves by covenant 



138 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTHATIONS 

into a church-state, to walk in all his ways, according to 
their best endeavours, whatever it cost them." 

Aye ! Whatever it cost them ! A great sentence is 
that. They knew almost as little, then, what it would 
reveal, as the gates of hell knew of their whole movement. 
And how wonderfully, from step to step, they were led on ! 
It might be said, with reference to the great enterprise, 
then wholly unknown, undreamed of, to w^iich God would 
prepare and bring them, " I girded thee, though thou hast 
not known me." They knew God, but what God was 
going to do with them they knew not, nor what their first 
step would cost them. It was by the providential disci- 
pline of God, with the intolerable severities of the Esta- 
blishment as its instruments, that they came to the disco- 
very of the great truth, that as Christ's disciples they 
ivere really the Lord's free people, who might, if they 
pleased, join themselves by covenant into a church state, 
who had that liberty from Christ, though neither asking 
leave of any Established Church, nor constituted by 
any king or bishop. Why ! this was one of the great- 
est lessons ever taught by Divine Providence, ever learned 
from his word through suffering. The whole world was 
against it. If that question had been brought before any 
set of men then in existence, had it even been carried to 
Geneva, and laid before the church of Calvin there, had it 
been carried to Germany, and proposed to a Lutheran 
synod there, in its bare simplicity, as taught of God, it 
would have been negatived. The question, can we, " seve- 
ral religious people^'' we, "two or three gathered together," 
constitute a church ? Can we constitute ourselves into a 
church, and be regarded as a church, and lawfully choose 
our own minister, under Christ only ? — this question would 
in most quarters have been answered by pursuivants and 
bailiffs, in prisons and Courts of High Commission. In the 
opinion of the rulers of the Church then in England it was 
a mortal sin " for a man that had been at church twice on 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDEiNCKS, AND PERSONS. 139 

the Lord's Day to repeat the heads of the sermons to his 
family iji the evening ; a crime that deserved fines, im- 
prisonment, and the forfeiture of all that was dear to a man 
in the world." " If any will not be quiet, and shew his 
obedience, the church," said King James, " were better 
without him, and he were worthy to be hanged." And 
Archbishop Whitgift said that his Majesty spake by the 
special assistance of the Holy Ghost.* 

Long and arduously did the persecuting rulers of the 
Church labor at their work of smelting out this precious 
ore of truth, this doctrine of Christian liberty. Busily 
were they running to and fro, conveying the metal from 
one forge and furnace to another, sweating at their fires 
and anvils, with the great trip-hammers of Church and 
State despotism at command, thinking, forsooth, that they 
were burning and beating down, out of existence, all idea, 
all thought, all dream of freedom, when they were merely 
God's instruments to discipline and beat the consciences of 
our fathers, out of their remaining bondage and darkness 
into liberty and light. This great act of joining themselves 
by covenant into a church-state was one, into which the 
providence of God did, as it were, compel the Pilgrims, 
anxious and doubtful at first, but at length free, without the 
least mixture of fear or superstition. After that step, great 
and rapid was the increase of their light and liberty, and 
God's discipline, in preparation for the removal of the vine 
out of Egypt, was immediate. 

* Prince 10, 11. — Neal's History of the Puritans.— Fuller's Church History. 



CHAPTER V. 



COMPARISON OF GODS PREPARATORY PROVIDENCES. THE 

PLAGUE AMONG THE SAVAGES. SaUANTO, AND THE PIL- 
GRIMS* WELCOME. 

That we may watch and compare God's marvellous pro- 
vidences in this thing, the date is to be marked, 1602. This 
was the time when God took from a persecuting Church- 
EstabHshment the seed-corn which he was to prepare for 
the planting of his church in New England, for an entirely 
new dispensation of his grace in our world. 

In that same year, 1602, the same Divine Providence 
carried Bartholomew Gosnold to the discovery of Cape 
Cod, where God would soon carry the seed he was thus 
gathering and preparing. The coincidence of these dates 
is remarkable. It is also remarkable that both in this ex- 
pedition of Gosnold, in 1602, and in that of our Pilgrim 
Fathers in 1620, God's providence disappointed man's will, 
preventing entirely the first intended settlement, and turn- 
ing the last from its intended place to a spot not even with- 
in the limits of the charter. Gosnold's expedition was 
directed to Virginia, a general and most indefinite designa- 
tion at that time, comprising almost the whole present sea- 
coast of the United States. Intending a shorter cut than 
had before been attempted by the more southerly adven- 
turers, Gosnold steered more directly across the ocean, 
and at length brought up at Cape Cod, where he probably 
cast the first lines ever thrown for a fish which was to be- 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 141 

come as solid, fundamental, and useful a staple of the New 
England seas, as the granite should be of the New Eng- 
land continent. An honest, hearty, homely, enduring fish, 
susceptible of much salt, and the better for keeping. The 
Cod and the Granite are no ignoble symbols of New Eng- 
land wealth and character. 

" Therefore honorable and worthy countrymen," said 
Captain Smith to the people of England, at the close of 
one of his relations of his voyages, " let not the meanness 
of the word fish distaste you ; for it will afford as good 
gold as the mines of Guiana or Potassie, with less hazard 
and charge, and more certainty and facility." By the dis- 
cipline of industry and piety God would make the rocky 
coasts and harbors of New England a Potosi of riches, 
such as all the mountain mines of silver and gold in the 
world could not create. But of this, either Bart. Gosnold 
or Captain Smith thought little. And what mind at that 
period could have been sagacious enough to cast even a 
guess over the future of the two centuries ? 

Cape Cod contains now about 32,000 inhabitants. Here 
and at Nantucket and New Bedford, as well as around 
Cape Ann, are the cradles of our seamen ; yea, the Capes 
themselves, far stretching into the Atlantic, are almost 
rocked by its magnificent tempests. As long as the Eng- 
lish language lasts, the enthusiastic eulogy will never be 
forgotten, passed by the great mind of Edmund Burke, 
upon the seamen of the coasts of New England, near a 
hundred years ago, while dwelling upon the wealth which 
the colonies had d rawn from the sea by their fisheries. He told 
the British Government that if their envy was excited by 
those great acquisitions, yet the spirit with which that en- 
terprising employment had been exercised, ought rather 
to have raised their esteem and admiration ; for what in 
the world was equal to it ? " Neither the perseverance of 
Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and 
fine sagacity of English enterprise ever carried this most 



142 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

perilous mode of hard industry to the extent to which it 
has been pushed by this recent people ; a people who are 
still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened 
into the bone of manhood. Through a wise and salutary 
neglect, a generous nature has been suflered to take her 
own way to perfection. The colonies have not been 
squeezed into their happy form by the constraints of watch- 
ful and suspicious government." The moment those con- 
straints began to be applied, then the generous nature that 
had grown up without them, spurned them, and England 
lost her whole colonial possessions south of Canada, by 
attempting despotically to do what she pleased with them. 

When our fathers iirst landed at Cape Cod, there seem 
to have been plenty of w'hales and seals, as well as codfish, 
in those seas. They found the Grampus so abundant, that 
at one place they were minded, on that account, to call the 
harbor Grampus Bay. Sometimes they had a shot at 
a whale, but never enjoyed the sport of catching 
one: "when the w'hale saw her time," says their quaint 
description, " she gave a snuft' and away." 

Out of Gosnold's discovery grew an incorporated trading 
company for North Virginia in 160G, but no settlement. 
In 1G08 came the attempted settlement and failure on the 
banks of the Sagadahock, under Popham and Gilbert. In 
1614, Captain John Smith made his survey of the country 
and presented a plan of it to King Charles, then the Prince 
Royal, who gave it the name of New England ; well bap- 
tized for the Pilgrims, but a miserable godfather. From 
its very first discovery, every attempt to colonize or settle 
this country for mere purposes of gain or trade, failed, and 
at length all thoughts of it seemed to be abandoned, except 
as far as concerned the keeping of small summer stations 
by private adventurers for traffic with the Indians. And 
so it went on, till the year 16'20, when God had brought 
his own vine out of Egypt, and was ready to plant it in 
the reffion w-hich he and not man had chosen for it. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 143 

He had not only put tlie mark of discovery upon that 
region, but also, a few years afterwards, in a very signal 
manner "cast out the heathen" before the Vine which 
was to be planted. Just after the survey by Captain Smith, 
and the naming of the country, New England, the whole 
extent of sea-coast from Maine to Rhode Island was almost 
depopulated by the visitation* of a deadly plague. Turn- 
ing to the Journal of the Pilgrims under date of March 
IGth, 1621, we find the first personal conversation recount- 
ed, which any of the Pilgrims were able to hold with the 
natives ; the first intelligible word uttered from the man's 
lips being the sweet English word "Welcome!" which, 
from a savage in the wilderness, must have seemed a 
miracle. This stark naked barbarian, whose name was 
Samoset, of the Massasoits, had learned enough English 
from various fishermen at difl'erent times to hold a broken 
conversation, and he was " a man free in speech," con- 
sidering the limited extent of his acquisitions. He 
spoke, among other things, of the pestilence. " He told 
us that about four years ago all the inhabitants died 
of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, wo- 
man, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none ; 
so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claim 
unto it." The accounts of this devastating death had 
reached England before the Pilgrims embarked for America, 
and the providence of God in regard to it was named in 
the very patent given by the King, as a reason for giving 
it, under the assurance that God's time had come for the 
possession of the country by the subjects of England, the 
whole territory being so completely depopulated and thrown 
out of ownership by " that wonderful plague." Out of the 
bosom of that death came that refreshing word, " welcome." 
For in all probability death itself, by fierce savage war, 
would have greeted our fathers, instead of welcome, had 
those thirty thousand fighting men of the native tribe of 
the Massachusetts, whom the pestilence is said to have re- 



144 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

duced down to three hundred, been living. The treachery 
of the English at various times, and especially the infamous 
kidnapping expedition under T. Hunt, in the absence of 
Captain Smith, had enraged the natives, and inspired them 
with a deadly purpose of revenge ; so that, if this terrific 
pestilence had not cut them down, they would, in all like- 
lihood, have massacred evevj man, woman, and child of 
the colony, the very first opportunity. 

But even out of that infamous former treachery and cru- 
elty of the English, God would bring a blessing to those 
whom he had chosen, and who were acting on the princi- 
ples of love and uprightness revealed in his word. Here 
comes into notice the oft-mentioned Squanto, remarkable 
for his attachment to the colony. He was the only native 
left of Patuxet, or Plymouth, all the rest of the inhabitants, 
man, woman, and child, having been carried off by the 
plague ; and he probably would have shared in the same 
death, had he not been one of the twenty Indians mentioned 
in the journal, whom the villain Hunt carried into Spain 
and sold for slaves, about the year 1615. He sold them, 
it appears, for twenty pounds a piece, " like a wretched 
man, that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit." 
But Squanto, by the good providence of God, escaped from 
his captivity, and got into England, where he dwelt awhile 
at Cornhill, in London, with Mr. Slanie, a merchant, and 
learned to speak English. In the year 1619, Squanto was 
brought back to New England by Mr. Dormer, whose ob- 
ject was to quiet the enraged Indians, and re-establish the 
trade that had been broken up by the war, which grew out 
of Hunt's villany. Squanto at that time did all he could 
to pacify his countrymen, informing them that Hunt's 
treachery had been condemned by the English, but that the 
other English were not like him ; but he did not succeed, 
for the Indians fell upon Mr. Dormer and his company, and 
would have killed Dormer himself, " had not Squanto en- 
treated hard for him." Squanto was also the means of 



01' PRINCIPLES, PROVIUEXCES, AND PERSONS. 



145 



saving two Frenchmen about the same time.* It is said that 
at his native country Squanto found them "all dead," and 
here the Pilgi'ims found him thsir friend, the only native of 
that place, whither God had brought them for their settle- 
ment. He acted as their interpreter, lielped them in the 
planting of their corn, showed them how to set, dress, 
and tend it (their Indian corn), and in every possible way 
seems to have befriended them. Sometimes in the midst 
of want, he would bring them eels, which he had caught 
in the mud. He often acted as th(;ir guide, and he and Cap- 
tain Standish seem to have been great friends to one ano- 
ther. But he was not long, spared, for in November, 1622, 
he fell sick of a fever and died, to the great sorrow of the 
Pilgrims, Before Squanto's death, Hobbamock, one of 
Massasoit's chief captains, had come to live with the Pil- 
grims as their friend, and continued always faithful to their 
interests. The few words in which Gov. Bradford has 
noticed Squanto's death are exceedingly touching. It was 
at the Indian Hamlet at Manamoyk, near Cape Cod, whi- 
ther Squanto and the Governor had gone to trade with the 
Indians and get some corn. Here Squanto w^as seized with 
a fatal illness, " and here in a few days he died, desiring 
the Governor to pray that he might go to the Englishman's 
God in heaven ; bequeathing his things to sundry of his 
English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we 
have a great loss."f 

" Desiring the Governor to pray that he might go to the 
Englishman's God in Heaven.''^ How truly affecting is 
this memorial of the untutored, but affectionate and friendly 
Indian ! Perhaps he was taught of God, and he knew Gov. 
Bradford to be a good man. Squanto may have been the 
first fruit of the prayers and instructions of the Pilgrims, 
the forerunner of that descent of th6 Holy Spirit upon the 

• Prince's New England Chronology, vol. i., pages 63, 99, 100. Neal's 
History of New England, vol. i., pages 20, 21. 
t Prince, vol. i., p. 124, 

7 



146 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Indians, which produced so wondrous a work of God under 
the efforts of Elliot. 

The Englishman's God in Heaven ! Poor, ignorant, sim- 
ple-hearted savage ! nearer, by far, to the kingdom of hea- 
ven in his darkness, than thousands upon thousands of the 
favored Englishmen, amidst all their light ! One cannot 
but hope that Squanto's heart had been really visited by 
the Spirit of God. We can readily conceive what a kind 
and tender interest a man like Governor Bradford would 
have taken in his conversion, and with what gravity and 
patient assiduity he would have labored to instruct him in 
the truths of the Gospel. Squanto well knew that the 
Governor was a man of prayer. 

Prayer is the Christian's vital breath, 

The Christian's native air ; 
His watchword at the gate of death, 

He enters heaven with prayer. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE PILGRIM CHURCH AT LEYDEN AND THE PASTOR ROBINSON. 

THE VINE BROUGHT OUT OF EGYPT, BUT NOT YET 

PLANTED IN THE WILDERNESS. 

This purely reformed church in the North of England, 
as Gov. Bradford styles it, was compelled, as early as the 
year 1606, after much suffering, to form itself into two dis- 
tinct churches, by reason of the wide extent of counties 
and villages in which its members were scattered. In that 
one of these churches which God chose for the Pilgrim 
Church, there was then a graduate of the University of 
Cambridge, John Robinson, a man remarkable both for 
his piety and learning, whom they chose for their pastor, 
and who went with his flock in 1608 over into Holland. 
Before his connexion with that church he had held a pre- 
ferment in the Church of England, but with views so 
inclined towards the Puritans, that he could not escape the 
persecuting notice of Archbishop Bancj'oft. Mr. Neal 
speaks of him as " a Norfolk divine, beneficed about Yar- 
mouth, being often molested by the bishop's officers, and 
his friends almost ruined in the ecclesiastical courts."* Un- 
questionably, could he have conformed to the church, and 
seen no further than the bishops saw, or with their specta- 
cles, he had been advanced to great dignities and comforts 
of the establishment ; but his views of truth and freedom 

* Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 72. 



148 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATION'S 

were too clear and conscientious for that, and he rather 
chose to endure affliction with that people ot' God with 
whom he saw most of God's truth and spirit, than remain 
in Egypt. He was to be one of God's chosen instru- 
ments in bringing his vine out of Egypt, and preparing it 
for its planting in the wilderness. 

Their removal into Holland was a work of incomparably 
greater difficulty, hardship, and danger, than they could 
have imagined ; for they were beset with persecuting 
enemies, and threatened by them every step of the way. 
They were thrown into prison, betrayed, robbed, and 
treated with barbarous indecency and cruelty. It took 
near a whole year of labor and trial to accomplish this 
first pilgrimage, beginning in the fall of 1607, and continu- 
ing in the spring and. summer of 1608. The other branch 
of their original church in Lincolnshire, under the care of 
Mr. John Smith as pastor, had gone over to Amsterdam 
before them, and it would seem with much less difficulty 
from external enemies ; but they soon fell into difficulties 
among themselves, which Robinson and the Pilgrim Church 
avoided meddling with by removing afterwards to Leyden. 
The Pilgrims had chosen Robinson for their pastor before 
they thought of an exile from England, and his counsel 
was of the greatest service to them. The first notice of 
their removal given by Mr. Prince from Governor Brad- 
ford's manuscript is as follows, under date of 1607 : " This 
fall, Mr. Robinson's church in the North of England, being 
extremely harassed, some cast into prison, some beset in 
their houses, some forced to leave their farms and families, 
they begin to fly over to Holland, for purity of worship 
and liberty of conscience." 

Then in the spring of 1608 we find the next record, as 
follows: "This spring, more of Mr. Robinson's church, 
through great difficuhies from their pursuers, get over to 
Holland, and afterwards the rest, with Mr. Robinson and 
Mr. Brewster, who are of the last, having tarried to help 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 149 

the weakest over before them. They first settle in Am- 
sterdam, and stay there a year, where Mr. Smith and his 
church had gotten before them." 

Then in 1609 we find the following record, which con- 
veys nearly all that we can learn respecting the causes of 
their removal from Amsterdam to Leyden ; "Mr. Robinson's 
church having staid at Amsterdam about a year, seeing 
Mr. Smith and his company was fallen into contention with 
the church that was there before him, and that the flames 
thereof were like to break out in that ancient church itself, 
as afterwards lamentably came to pass, which Mr. Robin- 
son and church prudently foreseeing, they think it best to 
remove in time before they were any way engaged with 
the same ; though they knew it would be very much to the 
prejudice of their outward interest, as it proved to be. 
Yet valuing peace and spiritual comfort above other 
riches, they therefore remove to Leyden about the begin- 
ning of the twelve years' truce between the Dutch and the 
Spaniards, choose Mr. Brewster assistant to him in the 
place of an elder, and then live in great love and harmony 
both among themselves and their neighbour citizens for 
above eleven years, till they remove to New England." 

The Providences of God for them, though mingled with 
much mercy, were all the while those of change and trial. 
God was leading them forth out of Egypt for his own pur- 
poses, which as yet he had not revealed to them. They 
removed from Rameses, and pitched in Succoth ; and they 
departed from Succoth and pitched in Etham. They 
seemed all the while to hear as of old the voice of Jehovah, 
" I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you a 
God ; and ye shall know that I am the Lord your God, 
which bringeth you out from under the burdens of the 
Egyptians. And I will bring you in unto the land, con- 
cerning the which I did swear to give it to Abraham, to 
Isaac, and to Jacob ; and I will give it to you for an 
heritage." God, who was with them, made them feel that 



150 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

it was not for a lasting encampment in Amsterdam or 
Leyden, that he had brought them out, nor for themselves 
alone, nor for their own enjoyment, that he was leading 
them. God awoke within them the great purpose of 
crossing the ocean, and incited them to it by many induce- 
ments, providences, and trials, inward and external. God 
made them unwilling to bear the thought of so being exiles 
as to cut themselves for ever off from the language, the 
laws, the name, and the home of Englishmen. They saw 
that in Holland they were in danger of this ; that to this, 
indeed, they were fast coming. God made them to see 
also that by the dissolution of foreign examples, the licen- 
tiousness of the youth around them, and the great tempta- 
tions of the city, their children were becoming a prey to 
the great adversary of their souls, were tempted to join the 
army, to embark on dangerous voyages, and engage in 
vicious courses, so that they had reason to fear a degene- 
rate posterity, and religion dying among them. God made 
them to note with grief the great and constant profanation 
of the Sabbath around them, and that all their efforts to 
stop the tide of immorality were unavailing. They desired 
a Christian Sabbath, they desired English laws, the English 
language, English manners, and an English home and 
education for their children. These thoughts and anxieties 
God caused to burn within them. 

Above all, God suggested and excited in their hearts, 
what was at t lat day a peculiarity and a marvel of Chris- 
tian experience, and a prophecy of the missionary spirit 
that should come, "an inward zeal and great hope," in the 
language of Governor Bradford, "of laying some good 
foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for 
the propagating and advancing the gospel of the Kingdom 
of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though 
they should be as stepping stones unto others for the per- 
forming of so great a work." Their first motive in getting 
out of Egypt had been, as it were, simply a three days' 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 151 

journey into llie wilderness, to sacrifice freely unto their 
God. They do not seem to have dreamed, while in Eng- 
land, of the great conception of founding a colony for God 
in the New World. But this was what God had for them 
to do, and in due time he told them of it, made them sensi- 
ble of their mission, woke up in their hearts a desire for it, 
broke up their encampment in Etham, and caused them to 
stand upon the verge of the sea, ready for its crossing. 

Now when we add to this the extract from that beauti- 
ful letter of Robinson and Brewster to Sir Edwin Sandys,* 
thanking him for his kindness, and detailing to him the rea- 
sons for encouragement and perseverance, we shall have a 
perfect picture of their thoughts and motives, as if there 
were a window in their hearts. 

1st, they say, " We verily believe and trust the Lord is 
with us ; to whom and whose service we have given our- 
selves in many trials ; and that he will graciously prosper 
our endeavours, according to the simplicity of our hearts. 
Second, we are well weaned from the delicate milk of our 
mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange 
land. Third, the people are, for the body of them, indus- 
trious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- 
pany of people in the world; Fourth, we are knit together 
as a body, in the most strict and sacred bond and covenant 
of the Lord ; of the violation whereof we make great 
conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves 
straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the 
whole. Fifth, and lastly, it is not with us as with other 
men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon- 
tentments cause to wish ourselves at home again. We 
know our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall 
much prejudice both our acts and means by removal ; 
where, if we should be driven to return, we should not hope 
to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed 

* Prince, 51. Young's Chronicles, Gl. 



152 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

look ever to attain the like in any other place during our 
lives, which are now drawing tow-ards their period." 

In this calm and steadfast spirit, relying upon God, did 
these noble soldiers of Christ reason of their undertaking. 
They knew it w^as a ibrlorn hope, yet glorious in its very 
forlornness, since it cut them off from all thought but that of 
success, trusting in the Almighty. 

Such was the spirit of John Robinson of Norfolk ; and 
the same was manifested in the character of his friend and 
brother, William Brewster ; quieter, perhaps, in him, but not 
less enduring and steadfast. Theirs was the animating 
spirit of th'e whole colony, in its commencement, as Gover- 
nor Bradford's seems to have been afterwards in its 
guidance. Such w'ere the feelings with which they looked 
towards New England ; and Robinson's heart, though he 
never reached this country, was as much fixed upon the 
enterprise as that of any who engaged in it. He foresaw 
something of the glory of the Church of Christ in its new 
development, and he was certainly a most remarkable in- 
strument in preparing God's agents and instrumentalities 
for so great a work. 

Born in the year 1576, he was but thirty-two years of 
age when he commenced the pastoral care of the .flock in 
Holland ; but he soon gained there an enviable reputation 
for united learning and piety, and a vast influence by means 
of it. Even those who were his enemies because of his 
separation from the church of England, and the simplicity 
and independence of his ecclesiastical platform, called 
him "the most learned, polished, and modest spirit that ever 
separated from the church of England." His character 
was briefly but beautifully drawn by Governor Bradft-rd. 
"As he was a man learned, and of solid judgment, and of 
a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender c: n- 
science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hy- 
pocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with 
his best friends. He was verv courteous, affable, and socia- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 153 

ble in his conversation, and towards iiis own people es- 
pecially. He was an acute and expert disputant, very- 
quick and ready, and had much bickering with the Ar- 
minians, who stood more in fear of him than of any in the 
University. He was never satisfied in himself, till he had 
searched any cause or argument he had to deal in 
thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard him 
sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both in 
writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently an- 
swered others, but many times not himself; and was ever 
desirous of any light, and the more aUIe, learned, and holy 
the persons were, the more he desired to confer and reason 
with them. He was very profitable in his ministry, and 
comtbrtable to his people. He was much beloved of them, 
and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their 
good for soul and body. In a word, he was mudi esteem- 
ed and reverenced of all that knew him, and that were ac- 
quainted with his abilities, both of friends and strangers."* 

He was a man of rare foresight and prudence ; qualities 
developed in his guidance of the Church at Amsterdam, 
and his counsel to remove to Leyden, leaving off strife 
before it be meddled with ; for he saw plainly what would 
come to pass out of the contention which was gri)wing in 
the Church that was at Amsterdam before him. But 
though a man of peace, he knew when to speak, and on 
what side, and was ready to contend earnestly for the faith 
once delivered to the saints, though not without thorough 
understanding of the matter and persons in controversy. 
" Besides his singular abilities in divine things," says Gov. 
Bradford, " wherein he excelled, he was able also to give 
direction in civil afl'airs, and to foresee dangers and incon- 
veniences ; by which means he was very helpful to their 
outward estates ; and so was every way as a common 
father unto them. And none did more offend him than 
those that were close and cleaving to themselves, and 
* Young's Chronicles, 452. 
7* 



154 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

retired from the common good ; as also such as would be 
stiff and rigid in matters of outward order, and inveigh 
against the evils of others, and yet be remiss in themselves, 
and not so careful to express a virtuous conversation. 
They in like manner had ever a reverent regard unto him, 
and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and 
wisdom did deserve."' 

It was not wonderful that this Pilgrim church, composed 
of such materials, and under the guidance of such a Pastor, 
should flourish in Leyden during the years of its settlement 
there ; years in whKjh they enjoyed " much sweet and 
delightful society and spiritual comfort together in the 
ways of God, under the able ministry and prudent govern- 
ment of Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster, 
who was an assistant unto him in the place of an elder, 
unto whi(ih he was now called and chosen by the church ; 
so as they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces 
of the spirit of God, and lived together in peace and love 
and holiness. And many came unto them from divers 
parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. 
And if at any time any difl^erences did arise, or offences 
broke out (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, 
even among the best of men), they were ever so met with 
and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well com- 
posed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued, 
or else the church purged of those that were incurable and 
incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other 
means would serve ; which seldom comes to pass." * 

The church of the Pilgrims, indeed, under Robinson's 
care, was so remarkable for peace, brotherly love, and 
quiet industry, that it was publicly noted by the magistrates 
of the City as a model in those respects. " These English," 
said they, by way of reproof to the French Church of the 
Walloons in Leyden, " have lived amongst us now these 
twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation 
* Bradford in Young's Chronicles, 36. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 155 

come against any of them. But your strifes and quarrels 
are continual." 

Now this love of peace in Robinson was so combined 
with a keen discernment and ardent love of the truth, that 
though always more disposed to settle contentions by the 
meekness and gentleness of heavenly wisdom, than to 
decide them by taking a part ; yet whenever he conceived 
the truth to be at stake, there was neither indifference nor 
hesitation as to his side and course of duty. Disputes 
about indifferent things, or preferences, he never would 
meddle with ; but whatever he saw wounding the vital 
interests of the truth and of Christ's Church, that he made 
a matter of personal anxiety, and if need were, of contro- 
versy. So it was that he became engaged in the argument 
against the doctrine of the Arminians in Leyden. Armi- 
nius had died in 1609. The two divinity professors elected 
in the university in 1612, were at opposite sides in this 
conflict, Episcopius being the champion of the Arminians, 
and Polyander of the Calvinists. The contention had 
grown so sharp between them that it was the matter of 
their daily lectures, and their disciples themselves were 
separated, hearing each only their own side, as is wont in 
such cases. But Robinson, amidst all his labors, discerning 
the importance of this juncture, and being determined, 
according to his custom, to examine candidly and tho- 
roughly, went constantly to hear the lectures of both ; 
whereby he became thoroughly grounded in the merits of 
the controversy, knew the force of all arguments used, and 
the shifts of the adversary, "and being himself very able, 
none was fitter to buckle with them, as appeared by sundry 
disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians.""* 

From his known interest in the controversy, and ac- 
quaintance with its merits, as well as the decided stand 
which he took in regard to it, and his ardent love of the 
truth, the defenders of the Calvinistic system were very 

* Bradford in Prince, 30. Young's Chronicles, 41. 



lot) HliTolilCAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

desirous to gain i'or their side the aid of his abilities. Ac- 
cordingly, Polyander, ^vith several of the most eminent 
preachers in the city, invited him to take up their cause on 
the great points in question, in a public disputation against 
Episcopius. This he was at first unwilling to do, being 
comparatively young, and regarded as a foreigner or 
stranger in the city, though he had been known there now 
for three years. But at length he yielded to Polyanders 
importunity, as well as his own sense of the importance of 
the occasion, and prepared himself for the conflict. "And 
when the time came," says Governor Bradford, 'Mlie Lord 
did so help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, 
as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and 
public audience. And the like he did two or three times 
upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to 
praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it 
procured him much honor and respect from those learned 
men, and others which loved the truth.''* 

While he lived at Leyden, and both before and after the 
settlement of his flock in Plymouth, he published several 
works, one of the earliest of which was his Justification of 
separation from the Church of England, in 476 pages quar- 
to, in the year 1610. Governor Bradford connects his 
notice of this work, and of the increase of Robinson's 
Church, in such a manner, that we might suppose the 
" Justification " was in some measure the cause of the en- 
largement. He says that about this time, and the follow- 
ing years, many came to his Church at Leyden iVom 
diverse parts of England, so that they grew a great con- 
gregation. And Robinson grew in reputation and love 
among all men, and continued his labors with the pen, as 
well as in preaching, up to the season of his death, so that 
he left behind him a treatise which was published after his 
departure to his rest. Few individuals have ever so united 
the men of all classes in respect and admiration for his 

* Prince, 3S. Young's Chronicles, 41. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 157 

character. Mr. Prince informs us, in a note to the record 
of liis death, that as he was had in high esteem both by the 
city and University, for his learning, piety, moderation, 
and excellent accomplishments, the magistrates, ministers, 
scholars, and most of the gentry, mourned his death as a 
public loss, and followed him to the grave. Mr. Prince 
had often seen his son Isaac, who came over to the Plymouth 
Colony, and who lived to be above ninety years of age. 

Robinson was smitten with his last illness on Saturday 
morning, Febi'uary 22d, 1C25. He nevertheless preached 
twice the next day, which was his last service of love to 
his Redeemer and the Church. His disease baffled the 
skill of the physicians, and seemed, indeed, to be unknown, 
being described as a continual inward ague, in which, with 
little or no pain, he grew weaker and weaker rapidly every 
day, till the next Saturday, the first day of March, when 
he died, sensible to the last. These particulars are found 
in a letter from Mr. White to Governor Bradford, dated 
at Leyden, April 28th, 1625. Nothing is given of his last 
conversations, though it is stated that his friends visited him 
freely throughout his illness. 

In his researches in Leyden, of which he gives some ac- 
count in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society,* Mr. Sumner found a record of Robinson's burial 
in St. Peter's Church in that city, on the fourth of March, 
1625 : and he also discovered a receipt of payment of 
burial fees in the church receipt book as follows : The 
translation only is given. 
1625, 

10. March. — Open and hire for John Robens, English 
Preaciier, 9 florins. 

Mr. Sumner says that at that time the plague was raging 
in Leyden, so that in one church there were buried, only 
three days before Robinson's death, twenty-five persons in 

* Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. ix., 3d Series, .05, 71. 



158 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

one day. Whole families were buried at the same time. 
The hint in Mr. White's letter to Governor Bradford, 
giving the account of Robinson's illness, accords with this, 
where the writer says, " he had a continual inward ague, 
but I thank the Lord was free of the plague, so that all his 
friends could come freely to him." But this by no means 
invalidates the account of especial or public honors at his 
funeral. Indeed the fact that four days elapsed from his 
death to his burial would rather strengthen the credibility 
of that account. 

The letters of Robinson to the Colony were very pre- 
cious to the Pilgrims, as of an absent fatlier to his flock, 
fraught with wise counsels, and with the feelings of an af- 
fectionate heart. He always looked upon them as his peo- 
ple, and they looked to him as their Pastor ; for to the day 
of his death neither he nor they had abandoned the hope 
of being again united. " If either prayers, tears, or means 
would have saved his life," said Roger White, in his letter 
to Governor Bradford, " he had not gone hence. But he 
having faithfully finished his work, which the Lord had 
appointed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord 
in eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church 
governors, not having one at present that is a governing 
officer among us." Their leading men had gone over to 
Plymouth, and before many years almost the whole re- 
maining portion of the church were gathered there through 
the great kindness of their brethren. Never was there a 
church, whose members manifested more truly one towards 
another the patience and brotherly love of the gospel. 
This was a great proof of the faithful, apostolic character 
of their beloved Pastor's ministry. " Whom the Lord," 
said one of the remaining brethren in the church, Mr. Th. 
Blossom, in a letter preserved in Governor Bradford's let- 
ter-book, '' took away even as fruit falleth before it is ripe. 
The loss of his ministry was very great unto me, for I ever 
counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstand- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 159 

ing all the crosses and losses otherwise I sustained. Alas ! 
you would fain have had him with you, and he would as 
fain have come to you." 

His spirit was evidently saddened ever after the de- 
parture of the Pilgrims, whom he longed to follow. There 
is an expression of this sadness in his beautiful letter, 
written to the Church in Plymouth, after their severe 
experience of the first winter, when death had been so 
busy among them. A tone of still deeper dejection marks 
his later correspondence, although he felt, after that first 
winter, that God had given them the victory. Such a 
letter as the following, which we copy as it stands in the 
fragment preserved of Governor Bradford's letter-book, 
must have had a powerful and lasting effect upon the dear 
Christian friends to whom he was writing. 

" To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England. Much 
beloved brethren : Neither the distance of place, nor distinction 
of body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of true 
Christian affection, in which the Lord by his spirit hath tied us 
together. My continual prayers are to the Lord for you ; my 
most earnest desire is unto you ; from whom I will not longer 
keep, if God will, than means can be procured to bring with me 
the wives and children of divers of you, and the rest of your 
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without great injury 
both to you and them, and offence to God and all men. The 
death of so many of our dear friends and brethren, oh how 
grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us to take know- 
ledge of; which, if it could be mended with lamenting, could not 
sufficiently be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they 
shall not return unto us ; and how many, even of us, God hath 
taken awav here and in England since your departure, you may 
elsewhere take knowledge. But the same God has tempered 
judgment with mercy, as otherwise, so in sparing the rest ; 
especially those, by whose godly and wise government you may 
be, and I know, arc, so much helped. In a battle it is not looked 
for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a side if it 
get the victory, though with the loss of divers, if no too many or 



160 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

too great. God, I hope, hath given you the victory, after many 
difficulties, for yourselves and others ; though I doubt not but 
many do and will remain for you and us all to strive with. 
Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience unto those 
whom God hath set over you, in Church and Commonwealth, and 
to the Lord in them. It is a Christian's honor to give honor ac- 
cording to men's places ; and his liberty, to serve God in Faith, 
and his brethren in Love, orderly, and with a willing and free 
heart. God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which is 
the bond fif perfection, and by which all good is tied together, 
and without whicli it is scattered. Have peace with God first, 
by faith in his promises, good conscience kept in all things, and 
oft renewed by repentance ; and so one with another for His sake, 
which is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is one, 
and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. And the God of 
peace and grace, and all good men, be with you, in all the fruits 
thereof, plenteously upon your heads, now and for ever. All 
your brethren here remember you with great love, a general 
token whereof they have sent you. 

Yours ever in the Lord. 

John Robinson. 
Leyden, Holland, June 30, Anno 1G21. 

The most interesting and valuable of all that remains in 
Plymouth, illustrative of the first generation of its pilgrim 
inhabitants, is the volume of Old Colony and Church Re- 
cords, kept among the registries of the town and county. 
It is with singular interest that the visitor turns over these 
antique leaves, among which it is pleasant to meet the 
following poem on the Death of Robinson, found in a page 
of the Church Records as early as the date of the year 
1626. The lines are at least as good as some of Roger 
Ascham's, and in the firm handwriting in the original MS. 
may remind one of the verses which John Bunyan used to 
write in his old copy of Fox's Book of the Martyrs. 
Governor Bradford was the only one of the Pilgrims, so 
far as we know, that ever made any attempts at versifica- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 161 

tion ; perhaps the authorship of the following stanzas is 
his. 

A FEW POEMS, 

MADE BY A FRIEND, ON THE DEPLORED DEATH OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON, 
THE WORTHY PASTOUR OF THE CHURCH OF LEYDEN, AS FOLLOWETH : 

1 Blessed Robinson hath run his race 
from earth to heaven is Gone, 

to be with Christ in heavenly place, 
the blessed saints among. 

2 A burning and a shining light, 
was hee whiles hee was heer, 

a preacher of tiie gospel Bright, 
whom we did love most deer. 

3 What tho hees dead, his workes alive 
and live will to all aye ; 

the comfort of them pleasant is 
to living saints each day. 

4 Oh blessed holy Saviour, 
the fountain of all grace, 

from v/honi such blessed instruments 
are sent and Run their Race, 

5 To lead us to and guide us in 
the way to happiness 

that soe oh Lord we may al wales , 

for evermore confess 

6 That whosoever Gospel preacher be 
or waterer of the same, 

wee may always most constantly 
Give Glory to thy Name. 

There is in these lines, which beyond doubt are the ex- 
l)ression of the feelings of the whole church, a very differ- 
ent sentiment from that sometimes ascribed to the colony. 
It has been intimated that the brethren were so fond of 
their own jirophesyings, and so gifted in the same, that 



162 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

their pastors in after years found themselves depreciated, 
discouraged, and disesteemed thereby. It is very certain 
that God saw fit to discipline the colony with some very 
disastrous experiences in the endurance of men, who 
proved hypocrites in the ministry or incapacitated for it. 
It was God's own providence, not their choice, that threw 
them upon the exercise of their own gifts so long and so 
habitually. And there could not have been much irregu- 
larity, or_disesteem of the ministry, in a church educated 
under Robinson's guidance, while such men as Brewster, 
Bradford, and Edward Winslow, were their elders and 
"prophets." The jealousy of prophesyings among the 
brethren savors a little of that spirit of the Establishment, 
which afterwards threw Winslow himself into prison in 
England, on the charge of having publicly exercised his 
gifts for the edification of the Church, when they wanted a 
minister. The last stanza in this simple poem on the 
death of Robinson conveys without doubt the sentiment of 
the whole church in regard to such preachers of the gospel 
as the Lord might be pleased to grant them for the guid- 
ance of his flock. 

That whoso gospel preacher be, 

Or waterer of the same, 
We may always most constantly 
• ^ Give glory to thy name. 



CHAPTER VII. 



THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND CHURCH AND THEIR ELDER, WILLIAM 
BREWSTER. THE VINE BROUGHT OUT AND PLANTED. 

The first New England Church was composed of the 
Pilgrims in the May Flower. Its organization must be 
regarded as having taken place before they left Leyden, 
even on that important day of fasting and prayer, early in 
the year 1620, when, having received accounts of the com- 
pletion, of arrangements in England for their departure, 
they gathered together to ask counsel of the Lord. That 
day they heard a sermon from their pastor, Robinson, on the 
appropriate text in First JSamuel xxiii. 4. " And David's men 
said unto him. Behold we be afraid here in Judah: how 
much more then if we come to Keilah against the armies 
of the Philistines ? Then David inquired of the Lord yet 
again. And the Lord answered him and said. Arise, go 
down to Keilah ; for I will deliver the Philistines into thine 
hand." What a treasure would it have been, could that 
sermon have been preserved to us ! We have no record of 
it whatever, save in two lines from Governor Bradford, 
where he says that Mr. Robinson preached that day from 
that text, " strengthening them against their fears, and en- 
couraging them in their resolutions." It could not but have 
been one of Robinson's wisest, most affectionate, most fer- 
vent and animating sermons ; for he was full of a devout 
fire himself in this great Pilgrim and Missionary enter- 



164 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

prise ; he intended to go in person, and his whole heart 
was bound up in the undertaking. And every step which he 
and his beloved fellow-disciples of Christ adopted in it was 
taken in prayer. If ever a church sought God's guidance, 
they did. With what energy, and beauty, and heavenly- 
mindedness he would, on that occasion, have led his flock 
by the streams of God's promises, telling them that they 
should find the same streams in the wilderness, and brooks 
to drink of by the way, yea, and in the New World to 
which they were travelling, new and unexpected springs 
of light, comfort, and power. 

Tlieir next business, after seeking God in prayer, and 
listening to the counsels of that beloved pastor, whom God 
had given them, was to " conclude how many, and who 
should prepare to go first ; tor all that were willing could 
not get ready quickly." It is from Governor Bradford that 
we derive our direct and valuable notice of this day's ser- 
vices and doings. " The greater number," says he, " being 
to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; their 
Elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other. Those who 

GO first, to be AN ABSOLUTE CHURCH OF THEMSELVES, AS 

WELL AS THOSE WHO STAY ; with this proviso, that as any go 
over or return, they shall be reputed as members, without 
farther dismission or testimonial. And those who tarry, 
to follow the rest as soon as they can." 

We have marked an important sentence in this record. 
From this day, the Church of the Pilgrims in the May 
Flower, the First Congregational Church in Plymouth and 
in New England, and in all America,dates its organization. 
There was no other formal organization, that we are aware 
of, nor was any other necessary. It was as simple and 
natural as the growth of two cedars from one stock, of 
two branches from the same vine, of two rose trees from 
the same root. They had the same covenant with the 
Parent Church, the same officers, and the same usages. 
They carried from Leyden into New England that primitive, 



OF PraNCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 165 

New Testament Congregational organization which they 
had brought from Old England into Leyden. Their cove- 
nant was with Christ, and with one another in him, "to 
walk in all his ways, made known, or to be made known 
unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatever it 
cost them." 

Perfectly and nobly in accordance with this covenant 
was the spirit and letter of Mr. Robinson's last remarkable 
sermon to his departing flock, when they observed their final 
Fast Day, ready to depart on the morrow. That day their 
pastor took his text from Ezra the eighth, 21 : " Then I 
proclaimed a fast there at the river of Ahava, that we 
might afflict ourselves before our God, to seek of him a 
right way for us, and for our little ones, and for all our 
substance." The old prophetic spirit seemed to have de- 
scended upon the preacher, as he reminded them of the 
terms of their covenant, and drew forth its meaning before 
them. The record of this discourse, as preserved by Gov. 
Winslow, is so characteristic of Robinson, so filled with 
the same wisdom and grace shining in his letters to the 
Pilgrims, that it bears the strongest internal evidence of its 
authenticity. 

" He charged them before God and his blessed angels, to 
follow him no further than he followed Christ. And if 
God should reveal anything to them by any other instru- 
ment of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever they were 
to I'eceive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very con- 
fident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth 
out of his Holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to 
bewail the state of the Reformed Churches, who were 
come to a period on religion, and would go no further than 
the instruments of their Reformation. As for example, the 
Lutherans could not be di'awn to go beyond what Luther 
saw ; for whatever part of God's Word he had further re- 
vealed to Calvin, they had rather die than embrace it ; and 
so, said he, you see the Calvinists, they also stick where he 



166 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

left them ; a misery much to be lamented. For though 
they were precious, shining lights in their times, yet God 
had not revealed his whole will to them. And were they 
now alive, said he, they would be as ready to embrace fur- 
ther light as that they had received. Here also he put us 
m mind of our Church Covenant, whereby we engaged 
with God and one another to receive whatever light or 
truth should be made known to us from his written word. 
But withal he exhoi'ted us to take heed what we receive 
for truth, and well to examine, compare, and weigh it with 
other Scriptures, before we receive it. For, said he, it is 
not possible the Christian world should come so lately out 
of such Anti-Christian darkness, and that full perfection of 
knowledge should break forth at once." 

Robinson also told the church that he would be glad if 
some goodly minister would go over with them before he 
himself came ; and he prophesied that there would be no 
difference between the Nonconformists and themselves, 
when once they came together out of the kingdom of 
England. He begged them likewise to put aside their un- 
willingness to appoint another pastor or teacher ; but they 
waited long for him, and as God would have it, were with- 
out a settled minister till after his death. Mr. Prince has 
well noted Robinson's endeavor to take them off from their 
attachment to himself, that they might be more entirely free 
to search and follow the Scriptures. 

There was great meaning in the Providence which kept 
the pastor from embarking with the fiock. They might 
have leaned too much upon him, trusting in an arm of flesh. 
And had he come to this country, what between the love 
of faithful souls, the strength of a great mind, a sacred su- 
periority of trial and suffering, and the weakness of his 
flock, his own power might have been too great, too sud- 
denly accumulate, and in danger of breeding worms, as is 
often the case with the manna of reputation, influence, and 
power, when not received from God and Providence, ac- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 167 

cording to occasions of want. There was a wonderful guar- 
dianship from God against this evil (an evil which lay in 
man's nature, and not in mere circumstances) not only in 
the case of Robinson, but of some other dear and neces- 
sary men, dangerous by their very dearness. He would 
gladly have gone with them ; but never agfiin this side the 
grave was he to meet that Pilgrim part of his flock over 
which he had watched for more than twelve years, with 
such apostolic assiduity and tenderness. 

Here then was a Church without a Bishop. New Eng- 
land was to be colonized by such a church. It was such a 
church that God was pleased to choose, for " a restorer of 
paths to dwell in, to raise up the foundations of many 
generations." It was a wonderful Providence which sent 
this Vine to take root in New England, under no head but 
Christ. The church was to be thrown, in its simplest origi- 
nal elements as a band of Christians, independent of any 
earthly power, and in entire dependence upon Christ, into 
a state of isolation, unrivalled, unequalled, since the forma- 
tion of the first church at Antioch. There was in all this 
an evident return of Christ's Church to those original 
sources of power which it possessed, disconnected from 
any earthly organization in existence, at the Day of Pente- 
cost. There was in this kind of original plantation in New 
England, one of the most remarkable manifestations 
of God's superintending wisdom visible in the history of 
mortals. 

It seemed as if man was to do nothing, God everything, in 
this new reformation and creation of the church. Its founda- 
tions were sunk deep down in an abyss of trial, in faith, in 
self-denial, in love, in God. There was hardly ever in the 
world a more complete cutting off from all human depend- 
ence, not even when the Israelites, just escaped from Egypt, 
with the chariots of Pharaoh rattling behind them, stood at 
the Red Sea. And indeed, the miracle in such a case is a 
lower kind of training of the soul to faith, than the deliver- 



16S HISTORICAL A\D LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

ance by the pressure of God's gradual providence, when 
the sense can see nothing but what is natural, and the soul 
must be armed with grace, must see God by faith, or not 
see him at all. The miracle is but the bud of greater deal- 
ings, of a more refined and exquisite spiritual training ; the 
miracle is good for babes ; the great things of God's ordi- 
nary providence for men ; the discipline of the soul for a 
life of faith, and for the daily sight of God in daily trials, is 
the most costly and the greatest thing. The old miracu- 
lous dispensation was comparatively crude, but this is more 
perfect ; that was of sense, but this is of the spirit. 

In man's sense it was a church without a Bishop, And 
yet, perhaps, in the three kingdoms out of which God 
sifted the Pilgrim wheat, there could not have been found 
as their Bishop, a man better fitted to lead them in green 
pastures and beside still waters, than plain Elder Brewster. 
The church at Leyden gave up their elder and retained 
their pastor ; the church at Plymouth followed their elder 
as their pastor, and such he really was. Between him and 
Robinson there had long existed a very intimate confidence 
and communion. They were " true yokefellows," and they 
seem to have led the flock rather as co-pastors, than as 
officers in any respect of a different grade. Their names 
are together in the correspondence with England relative 
to all the arrangements for the Pilgrim colony ; they were 
together the overseers of the flock. Robinson was the 
only pastor, Brewster the only elder ; but they were both 
by turns pastor and elder, as necessity required. Brewster 
was about twelve years the eldest, being sixty when the 
Pilgrims embarked for New England, probably the oldest 
of them all. In the providence of God they had really no 
need of a better minister than he was, and for some years 
God gave them none other. His spirit belonged to Robin- 
son, and Robinson's to him. 

There seems to have been but one difliculty in regard to 
his really filling the ofiice of the ministry in Robinson's 



OF PRINCIPLES. PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 169 

Stead, and that lay in the opinion of Robinson himself in 
regard to the distinction between a ruling and a teaching 
elder. A letter from Robinson to Brewster, copied from 
the Records of the Plynltiith church, ar\.d printed in Dr. 
Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, contains the following 
passage : 

"Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge 
it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as in Rom. xii. 
7, 8, and in Tim. v. 17, opposed to the elders that teach 
and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, to which 
the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor con- 
venient if it were lawful." 

As this was \vritten in answer to questions propounded 
by Mr. Brewster, and as late as the close of the year 1623, 
it is not improbable that, as the elder of the church, in the 
absence of the pastor, he had occasionally presided at the 
celebration of the Lord's Supper ; for it is not to be supposed 
that the Church would continue to deny themselves the 
comfort and joy of that sacrament, because their beloved 
pastor did not come over to them. If they did, and con- 
ceived the Lord's Supper to be of such a nature that his 
followers could never celebrate it as a church, without the 
presence and sanction of an ordained minister, and if that 
was also Mr. Robinson's opinion, then there was indeed 
more light needed to be disclosed from God's word both to 
pastor and people. But although Governor Bradford, in 
his memoir of Elder Brewster, says nothing particularly on 
this point, yet the description of his whole character and 
services in the church is of such a tenor, as would lead us 
to suppose that the church did not, under him, neglect the 
sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 

Mr. Hubbard, in his General History of New England, 
intimates that the people wished to ordain Mr. Brewster as 
their pastor, but that he always refused to be anything 
more than elder. The passage in which this statement is 

8 



170 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

made is as follows :* " In many years they could not pre- 
vail with any to come over to them, and to undertake the 
office of a pastor rcinongst them, at least none in whom 
they could with full satisfaction ticquiesce ; and therefore 
in the meanwhile they were peaceably and prudently 
managed by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and 
serious person, that only could be persuaded to keep his 
place of ruling elder amongst them : having acquired by 
his long experience and study no small degree of knowledge 
in the mysteries of faith and matters of religion, yet wisely 
considering the weightiness of the ministerial work (and 
therein he was also advised by Mr. Robinson) according 
to that of the Apostle 'who is sufficient for these things?' 
he could never be prevailed with to accept the ministerial 
office, which many less able in so long a time could have 
been easily drawn into." 

Again INIr. Hubbard says, on occasion of the death of 
Robinson, concerning the delay of the Pilgrims in getting 
a minister : " The small hopes these had of their pastor's 
coming over to them being heretofore revived by the new 
approach of the shipping every spring, possibly made them 
more slow in seeking out for another supply, as also more 
difficult in their choice of any other." — " They were con- 
strained to live without the supply of that office, making 
good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr. Brewster, 
who was qualified both to rule well, and also to labour in 
the word and doctrine, although he could never be per- 
suaded to take upon him the pastoral office, for the adminis- 
tration of the sacraments and so forth. In this way they 
continued till the year 1629."t 

It seems probable that Mr. Brewster's question pro- 
pounded to Robinson arose out of the desire and request of 
the church that he would consent to assume the office of 
their Pastor. We deem it not unlikely that before writing 

* Hubbard's History, in Mass. Hist. Col., p. 65. 
t Hubbard's General History, ch. xvii. p. 97 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 171 

to Robinson to know his opinion, the church may have 
celebrated the sacrament of the Lord's Supper under 
guidance of Mr. Brewster as their eider. But neither 
they nor he could feel satisfied without his sanction as to 
such a course, and the expression of Robinson's opinion 
seems to have decided the matter. They seem after that 
to have remained without the administration of the sacra- 
ments, until they had an ordained minister with them. It 
was a needless deprivation, self-imposed, since the same 
power and right, vested in them by the Lord Jesus, of 
choosing and ordaining their own minister, would have 
authorized them to appoint their elder to the business of 
administering the sacraments. And indeed, if they were 
so situated as to be deprived of the assistance or guidance 
of either pastor or elder, they could have appointed their 
deacon for that service, or one of their own members ; for 
nowhere in the Word of God is the authority, propriety, 
or edifying power of the sacraments restricted to the cir- 
cumstance of ordination in the person or persons presiding 
at their administration. Of the Lord's Supper especially it 
must be acknowledged that it is a commemorative ordi- 
nance belonging to the church, and in their power and right 
to celebrate either with or without an ordained minister, 
as they see fit. It is for other and higher purposes mainly 
that elders are required of the Lord Jesus to be appointed 
in every church, and not because without them the Lord's 
Supper could not be celebrated. 

Nevertheless, Robinson's opinion was very explicit 
against Elder Brewster having any authority to administer 
the sacrament, and perhaps he would have thought it still 
more unbecoming, if not actually unlawful, for any church 
to enjoy the sacraments, or celebrate the Lord's Supper, 
without an ordained minister to break the bread. And we 
conclude, that mainly in consequence of this opinion and 
advice, Mr. Brewster did not and would not assume any 
function supposed by their pastor to belong exclusively to 



172 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

the Elders appointed to teach and exhort, and labor in the 
word and doctrine. For the same reason the church also 
quietly waited, denying themselves one of their greatest 
privileges and enjoyments in the Gospel. 

They even suffered in the estimation of some, in conse- 
quence of this, and their adversaries in England made it an 
occasion of slander ; as also they did the freedom with 
which the brethren of the church were accustomed to ex- 
hort one another in their worshipping assemblies. They 
accused the church as being not only independent, but dis- 
orderly, and disaffected towards the ministry, whereas it 
was one of their greatest trials that they had to remain so 
long without a settled Pastor. " I find," says Mr. John Cotton, 
writing in 1760, "that the want of Sacraments was equally 
objected against them by adversaries in England." To 
which they sent this answer, verbatim, as recorded in the 
church records, namely : ' The more is our grief that our 
Pastor is kept from us, by whom we might enjoy them ; for 
we used to have the Lord's Supper every Sabbath, and 
Baptism as often as there was occasion of children to 
baptize.' " 

In Mr; Cushman's letter to the colony on the part of the 
friendly adventurers, given in Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, 
and dated Dec. 18, 1624, he says: " Let your practices and 
course in religion in the church be made complete and full. 
Let all that fear God ainongst you join themselves there- 
unto without delay. And let all the ordinances of God be 
used completely in the church without longer waiting upon 
uncertainties, or keeping the gap open for opposites." This 
would seem to intimate, that in Mr. Cushman's opinion, as 
well as that of others, the church ought to have celebrated 
the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, although without an 
ordained pastor. 

And we should have judged it not likely, that with a 
man like Mr. Brewster as their spiritual guide, though not 
ordained their Pastor, the church of the Pilgrims, at Ply- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 173 

mouth, would have passed three or four years without the 
administration ol" the Sacramental ordinance. It is some- 
what singular, and not of a piece with the largeness and 
scriptural freedom of his views generally, that Robinson 
should have insisted so strongly upon the distinction and 
even opposition between the oflices of the ruling and teach- 
ing Elder on this point. Inasmuch as they had but one 
Pastor in the church at Leyden, and one Elder, it is un- 
questionable that Mr. Brewster was regarded occasionally, 
even there, as a teacher ; but there the question as to his 
authority alone to administer the Sacraments had never 
come up; he was simply the assistant of the Pastor. 

In the Ecclesiastical History of Massachusetts, published 
by Dr. Elliot, in the Historical Collections of the Society, 
it is said that the pastoral care of the Church was offered 
to Mr. Brewster, but that he was too modest to accept of 
it. He was indeed a man of genuine and delightful mo- 
desty and humility ; but we incline to think it was mainly 
the opinion of Robinson, with the feeling of assurance the 
Pastor had of soon joining them himself, that prevented 
him. 

Belknap also says that Brewster "never could be per- 
suaded to administer the sacraments, or take on him the 
pastoral office ; though it had been stipulated before their 
departure from Holland, that those who first went should 
be an absolute Church of themselves, as well as those who 
stayed ; and it was one of their principles that the brethren 
who elected, had the power of ordaining to office. Had 
his diffidence permitted him to exercise the pastoral office, 
he would have had more influence, and kept intruders at a 
proper distance."* 

Dr. Elliot, in his biographical notice of Brewster, likewise 
repeats that "he would not accept the office of pastor, but 
preached to the people who came over with him to 
Plymouth, and performed most part of a minister's duty. 

• Belknap's American Biography, Vol. ii. '257, 2G6. 



174 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

The Church were benefited by his labors, and would have 
been happy if he had consented to administer the ordi- 
nances, for he was wise, learned, and prudent." Elliot 
says that he was born in the year 1560.* Other authori- 
ties say 1564; indeed, Gov. Bradford's computation makes 
it nearly or quite certain that this must be the right date. 
He hved and labored till the middle of the seventeenth 
century. 

In most of the churches in New England, within little 
more than fifty years from that time, the distinction between 
teaching and ruling Elders had almost entirely ceased. 
But in the confession of faith by the churches, in 1680, it is 
declared that the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper may not 
be dispensed by any but by a minister of the word lawfully 
called ; and the Cambridge Platform of 1619 recognises 
the ruling elder's office as distinct from the office of pastor 
and teacher. 

Elder Brewster was really the stated and habitual teacher 
of the Pilgrim church at Plymouth, until about the year 
1629, when, after several disappointments, they once more 
had a settled Pastor. " When the church had no other 
minister," says Governor Bradford, " he taught twice every 
Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the 
great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable 
edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his minis- 
try. He did more in their behalf in a year, than many, 
that have their hundreds a year, do in all their lives." This 
is written with reference particularly to the fact, that in his 
office as Elder, Mr. Brewster received no emolument for 
his ministerial services. Yea, he could say with Paul, 
yourselves know that these hands have ministered to my 
necessities. But this all the Pilgrims had to be able to say, 
and he was one of the foremost in energy and disinterest- 
edness. " He was no way unwilling," says Governor 
Bradford, '*to take^^his part and bear his burden with the 
* Elliot's Bioa;. Diet. 8''i. 



OF PIUiNCIPLES, PKOVIDKXCES, AXD PEKSOiXS. 175 

rest, living many times without, bread or corn many months 
together, imving many times nothing but fish, and often 
wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water for many 
years together, yea, until within five or six years of his 
deatli. And yet he lived, by the blessing of God, in health 
until very old age : and besides that, would labor with his 
hands in'the fields as long as he was able." 

It is evident from Governor Bradford's account, that 
they could not easily have got a better Pastor, unless they 
had had Mr. Robinson himself; also, that they really 
looked to Elder Brewster as their Pastor in Robinson's 
place. " In teaching," says the Governor, " he was very 
stirring, and moving the affections ; also very plain and 
distinct in what he taught ; by which means he became 
the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singular 
good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up 
the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confes- 
sion of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for 
the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better for 
ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than to 
be long and tedious in the same ; except upon solemn and 
special occasions, as on days of humiliation and the like. 
For the government of the Church, which was most proper 
to his office, he was careful to preserve good order in the 
same, and to ])reserve purity, both in the doctrine and 
communion of the same, and to suppress any error or 
contention that might begin to arise amongst them ; and 
accordingly God gave good success to his endeavors 
herein, all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in 
that behalf." 

Now we repeat the question, where could the Pilgrim 
Church have found a better Pastor than is here described 
in the character so beautifully drawn of Elder Brewster, 
by one who knew him so thoroughly and intimately as 
Governor Bradford 1 It is not so surprising that with such 
a man for their Elder, they felt that they could very safely 



176 HISTORICAL AM) LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

afford to wait for their Pastor Robinson, even some years. 
It is rather surprising that they did not, when it \vas tound 
that their whole hope of Robinson's coming must be reUn- 
quished, especially when God had taken him from the 
world, that they did not then elect and ordain Elder 
Brewster for their Pastor and Teacher. Perhaps, as he 
was verging towards seventy, they looked for a "younger 
man. They might have looked far, and not found one who 
was, or ever would be, so gifted of the Holy Spirit for the 
work of the gospel ministry. That faculty, so quaintly 
described by Governor Bradford, of ripping up the heart 
and conscience before God, was an invaluable one. Com- 
bined w^ith Elder Brew'ster's affectionate disposition and 
heart, it made him rarely qualified for the work of saving 
souls. He was of a social, sympathizing nature, and took 
part in the distresses as well as joys of those with whom 
he mingled. None of the trials of the Pilgrims ever made 
any of them misanthropic. 

The experience of misfortune taught hiiTi to succor the 
tempted and oppressed; considering thyself, lest thou also 
be tempted. "He was tender-hearted," says Governor 
Bradford, " and compassionate of such as were in misery, 
but especially of such as had been of good estate and rank, 
and were fallen into want and poverty, either for goodness' 
or religion's sake, or by the injury and oppression of others. 
He would say, of all men these deserve to be most pitied ; 
and none did more offend and displease him, than such as 
would haughtily and proudly carry and lilt up themselves, 
being risen from nothing, and having little else in them but 
a few fine clothes, or a little riches more than others." 

Under the ministry and example of two such men as 
Robinson and Brewster for more than twenty years, it was 
to be expected that God would raise up and prepare a 
company of his children for a great work. Meanwhile he 
was disciplining and preparing the Pastor and the Elder, 
as well as their ffock. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 177 

While he was at Leyden, Mr, Brewster pursued the 
honorable trade of a Printer, though when he had learned 
it, we know not. He had the merit of being hunted for 
punishment by the agents of the English government, 
because the works which he printed were obnoxious to the 
Established Church. It would even seem that when the 
Pilgrims embarked for Plymouth, and he with them, he was 
the object of inimical search, and escaped it only by keep- 
ing close till the sailing of the vessel. 

He had enjoyed a good early education, having learned 
both Latin and Greek, and spent some time at Cam- 
bridge. He was afterwards employed at Court and on the 
Continent, in the service of William Davison, the unfortu- 
nate Secretary of Queen Elizabeth at the time of the 
execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. Davison was a m m 
of parts, says Hume, but easy to be imposed upon; and 
for that very reason at that time made Secretary, that the 
gross dissimulation and murderous purpose of the Queen 
might be successfully, and yet with seeming irresponsibility, 
accomplished. He was a man of piety, ability, and various 
worth, "beloved," as the Earl of Essex said, "of the best 
and most religious of the land," but sacrificed and brought 
to ruin by the detestable meanness, perfidy, and cruelty of 
Elizabeth. As far as he could, Mr. Brewster continued to 
serve this unfortunate victim of State treachery, after the 
Queen had thrown him into prison, and brought him to 
utter poverty, by a fine of ten thousand pounds, for his 
obedience to her own commands in the duties of his office. 

While under the employment of Davison, Mr. Brewster 
became well acquainted with civil afl^airs, having travelled 
with him for state purposes on the Continent, where his 
master communed with him, and trusted him as a son 
rather than a servant. Under Davison's influence and 
example, his religious character likewise seems to have 
been more fully developed, and when at length he departed 

from his service, the company with which he associated in 

8* 



178 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

the rural parts of England, where he lived, was more 
especially among the religious gentlemen of that region. 
What the extent of his worldly means then was, we know 
not ; but Governor Bradford tells us that he was deep in 
the charge of promoting and furthering religion, by pro- 
curing good preachers in all places thereabouts, and some- 
times above his ability. And so for many years he walked 
according to the light he saw, till God's providence led him 
into clearer light, about the year IGOO, when he was 36 
years of age, and Robinson 24. Robinson was then enter- 
ing the degree of Master of Arts in Cambridge, and was 
in a fair way to great preferment, had he been so minded. 
Perhaps they neither of them, at this time, dreamed of 
what was to follow, nor had any idea of the possibility of 
two or three Christians, with Christ, constituting a Church. 
But in Governor Bradford's words, "by the tyranny of the 
bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing 
the one and persecuting the other, he, and many more of 
those times, began to look further into particulars, and to 
see into the unlawfulness of their callings, and the burden 
of many anti(;hristian corruptions, which both he and they 
endeavored to cast off." 

In the year 1602, they gathered the first Pilgrim Church 
** as the Lord's free people in the fellowship of the gospel," 
under covenant with him and one another, to walk in his 
ways, cost what it might. And much did it cost them af- 
ter a year or two, when the vigilant and bitter persecutions 
of the Establishment were turned upon them as they be- 
came known, and they were hunted and persecuted on 
every side. Some were thrown into prison, and most 
were compelled to flee from their houses, habitations, and 
means of livelihood. But so long as they could stay in 
England, Mr. Brewster was of great aid to them, being 
free and forward in his friendship. For a while, until the 
persecution grew too hot, they usually met at his house on 
the Lord's day, " and with great love he entertained them 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, ANO PERSONS. 179 

when they came, making provision for them to his great 
charge." And when at length in 1G07 they were driven 
to the enterprise of their pilgrimage to Holland, he was 
one of the greatest sufferers and most faithful men in that 
perilous, disastrous, and treacherous expedition ; disastrous 
in its course, through the wickedness of men, but glorious 
in its issue, through the goodness of God. He was one of 
the company who hired the ship at Boston in Lincolnshire, 
and were betrayed by the Judas of a Captain. His money 
and books were taken from him, and with six other of the 
principal men he was thrown into prison, and kept there 
some months. At length, in the course of 1607 and 1608, 
he, with Robinson and others, succeeded after great diffi- 
culty, peril, and suffering, in getting into Holland. 

There again he suffered much hardship, with his large 
family, for years, until he could get employment and the 
means of support, which afterwards became plentiful and 
abundant. He does not appear at first to have " set up 
printing," but besides that vocation he taught English verj"" 
successfully to foreigners, with great facility, by a system 
of his own, through the medium of the Latin, so that 
among the Danes and Germans, he had many pupils, and 
some of them of noble families. Being thus established, 
he was pleasantly situated in Holland, and at the age of 
sixty, nothing would have induced him to flee with his 
brethren into the wilderness, except his love to his Re- 
deemer, and to them for Christ's sake, and to the cause of 
Christ and Christian Liberty with them. 

The names of his children were striking developments 
of the qualities of the man. They were genuine way- 
marks of his experience in Divine Providence and grace, 
and not a mere imitation of the Hebrew custom of names 
as sacred memorials. They were actual memorials of 
events and states of mind in his chequered pilgrimage. 
There were among his offspring. Love, Wrestling, Patience, 
and Fear : and there were whole periods in his life charac- 



180 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 



1 



terized by the discipline of God in reference to each of 
these qualities. 

Mr. Brewster was as remarkable for the virtues of frugali- 
ty and temperance, as he was for the graces of charity and 
love. The habits of self-denial, patience, and sympathizing 
kindness, early learned, were of inestimable value when he 
came to grapple with the realities of pain and want. He 
was noted for his submissive and cheerful endurance of 
the famine, in the second winter of the colony. And when 
nothing but oysters or clams could be set upon the table, 
with neither bread, nor parched corn, nor vegetables, he 
would pleasantly and heartily give thanks " that they 
were permitted to suck of the abundance of the seas, and 
of the treasures hid in the land." 

Belknap says that Mr. Brewster was the owner of a 
very considerable library, part of which was lost when the 
vessel in which he embarked was plundered at Boston, in 
Lincolnshire. After his death, his remaining books were 
valued at forty-three pounds in silver, as appeared from the 
Colony Records, where a catalogue of them is preserved. 

Some statements have been made through a careless 
reading of manuscripts, or wrong interpretation of sen- 
tences, quite incorrect ; as for example, we find it stated 
in one or two instances, in biographical memoirs of Brews- 
ter, that while he was in the employment of Davison, on an 
embassy from Queen Elizabeth into the Low Countries, the 
keys of Flushing were delivered to him, and the States 
honored him with a gold chain. In this case Brewster by 
mistake is put in the place of Davison himself, as any one 
may see on reading the original from whence this histori- 
cal item is taken, which is the Memoir of Brewster by 
Governor Bradford. The memoir is printed by Dr. Young, 
from the manuscript records of Plymouth Church, and 
occupies the 27th chapter of his Chronicles of the Pilgrims. 
It was Davison himself whom the States honored with the 
golden chain, and on his return into England, Davison 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 181 

gave it to Brewster to wear on their journey towards the 
court. Davison, as time drew on, was advancing to his 
ruin, through the infamous treachery of Queen Elizabeth. 
Brewster, who wore his master's chain, was coming to the 
period of persecuting discipline, by which Divine Provi- 
dence would teach and fit him for the great work of the 
church colony in the wilderness. Neither of them placed 
their trust in earthly honors or treasures, but in Heaven. 
The occasion, the characters, and the end, may bring to 
remembrance the beautiful impromptu of Coleridge. 

How seldom, friend ! a good great man inherits 
Honor or wealth, with ail his worth and pains ! 
It sounds like stories from the land of spirits, 
If any man obtain that which he merits. 
Or any merit that which he obtains. 

REPLY. 

For shame, dear friend ! renounce this canting strain. 

What wouldst thou have a good great man obtain ? 

Place ? Title ? Salary ? A gilded chain ? 

Or thrones of corses, which his sword hath slain ? 

Greatness and goodness are not means, but ends ! 

Hath he not always treasures, always friends, 

The good great man ? Three treasures, Love and Light, 

And calm Thoughts, regular as an infant's breath ! 

And three tirm friends, more sure than day and night. 

Himself, his Maker, and the Angel Death. 

These beautiful truths were realized by the Pilgrims, 
by such men as Robinson, Bradford, Brewster, Winslow, 
and Winthrop ; and these possessions were theirs, Love, 
Light, and calm and cheerful Thoughts ; and these friends 
were theirs, Themselves, their Maker, and the Angel 
Death ; and all these three, self, God, and death, friends 
through Christ. It was Christ in whom they trusted ; 
Christ, to whom and for whom they had given up self; 



182 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Christ, in whom God was reconciled, and had reconciled 
them unto himself, and into whose glorious presence and 
likeness, after their mission on earth was accomplished, the 
Angel Death would usher them. It was thus that they 
left that goodly and pleasant city in the Old World, 
which had been their resting place near twelve years, to be 
thrown upon the shores of a "waste howling wilderness," 
without a habitation. It was thus, in the simple and beauti- 
ful language of Governor Bradford, that "they knew they 
were Pilgrims, and looked not much on those pleasant 
things they were leaving, but lifted up their eyes to 
heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits." 

Their sojourn in Leyden had been pleasant, mainly 
through the power and perfect sweetness of that brotherly 
love which bound them together. " For I persuade my- 
self," said Mr. Winslow, "never people on earth lived 
more lovingly together, and parted more sweetly, than we, 
the Church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted 
humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often 
seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose 
gracious presence we not only found with us, but his 
blessing upon us, Irom that time to this instant, to the in- 
dignation of our adversaries, the admiration of strangers, 
and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see such 
effects of our prayers and tears before our pilgrimage here 
be ended." 

And never was the reality and purity of brotherly love 
better tested, than in the sacrifices so cheerfully made by 
the Church in Plymouth, after the death of Robinson, to 
transport at their own cost, to their own colony of refuge, 
the brethren with their families, whom they had left behind 
them. By labor, suffering, and the cost of many deaths 
they had prepared it ; with unparalleled kindness and love 
they welcomed others to the enjoyment and possession of 
its comforts. 

The simple record of Brewster's death we give in Brad- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 183 

ford's own language. It is the opening of that part of his 
History of Plymouth Colony, which was occupied with the 
memoir of Brewster. " Now followeth that which was 
matter of great sadness and mourning unto this church. 
About the tenth of April, in the year 1644, died their reve- 
rend Elder, our dear and loving friend, Mr. William 
Brewster ; a man that had done and suffered much for the 
Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part 
in weal and wo with this poor persecuted church about 
thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, 
and done the Lord and them faithful service in his place 
and calling ; and notwithstanding the many troubles and 
sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great 
age. He was near four-score years of age, if not all out, 
when he died. He had this blessing, added by the Lord 
to all the rest, to die in his bed, in peace, amongst the 
midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, 
and ministered what help and comfort they could unto him, 
and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His sick- 
ness was not long. Until the last day thereof he did not 
wholly keep his bed. His speech continued until some- 
what more than half a day before his death, and then failed 
him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening he 
died, without any pang at all. A few hours before, he 
drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his 
last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound 
sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly de- 
parted this life unto a better." 

These are the words of Governor Bradford in the me- 
moir copied from the Records of the Plymouth Church. 
He was an eye-witness of the serene departure of his dear 
and loving friend, after whom he was still himself to re- 
main with the church on earth thirteen years. He and 
Brewster had both experienced a great discipline from 
God of mingled mercy and trial, and had both learned by 
Divine Grace, whether living, to live unto the Lord, or 



184 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

dying, to die unto the Lord. They could say with the 
sweet musings of Baxter — 

Lord, it belongs not to my care, 

Whether I die or live ; 
To love and serve thee is my sliare, 

And this thy grace must give. 
If life be long, I will be glad, 

That I may long obey ; 
If short, yet why should I be sad. 

That shall have the same pay ! 

Christ leads me through no darker rooms, 

Than he went through before ; 
He that into God's kingdom comes 

Must enter by this door. 
Come, Lord, when grace hath made me meet, 

Thy blessed face to see ; 
For if thy work on earth be sweet. 

What will thy glory be ! 



CHAPTER VIII. 

CONGREGATIONAL CONSTITUTION OF THE PILGRIM CHURCH. 

CORRESPONDENCE OF BREWSTER AND ROBINSON WITH THE 
COUNCIL IN ENGLAND, AS TO THEIR PRINCIPLES. COMPARI- 
SON OF CONGREGATIONALISM AND HIERARCHISM. 

The unsuccessful attempt of* the Pilgrims to obtain 
liberty of conscience under the King's seal was the means 
of bringing out their principles into notice, as well as of 
trying their patience. Some unjust insinuations having 
been thrown out against them, to their injury with the 
King's Privy Council, a correspondence ensued vbetween 
Sir John Worstenholme, one of the members of the Vir- 
ginia Company, and the Pastor Robinson, together with 
Elder Brewster. A prayerful spirit of devout dependence 
upon God runs through this correspondence, into which 
also there came no less distinguished a personage than Sir 
Edwin Sandys, truly a man of piety as well as qualities of 
state. The points illustrated in the letters to Worstenholme 
were "touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pas- 
tors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distri- 
buting the Church's contribution, as also for the two sacra- 
ments, baptism, and the Lord's supper." In regard to 
these, " we do wholly and in all points," said Robinson 
and Brewster, " agree with the French Reformed churches, 
according to their public confession of faith, though with 



186 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

some small differences." The differences were said to be 
"in some accidental circumstances," such as, 

1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered; 
we uncovered. 

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are 
able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most 
for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 

4. Our elders do administer their ofRcc in admonitions 
and excommunications for public scandals, publicly and 
before the congregation ; theirs more privately, and in 
their consistories. 

5. We do administer baptism only to such infants as 
whereof the one parent, at least, is of some church, which 
some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our 
practice accords with their public confession, and the judg- 
ment of the most learned amongst them.* 

When these statements were submitted to Worstenholme, 
he asked who should make the ministers? A pregnant 
question, involving the main points in dispute between the 
Established and the Congregational churches. Sir John 
expected that Robinson and Brewster would " have been 
of the Archbishop's mind for the calling of ministers ;" 
but he was greatly mistaken, and he is said to have " stuck 
much " at the contents of the letters, which, however, being 
friendly to the desire and project of the Pilgrim Church, 
he would not show to the bishops and the Council, " lest 
he should spoil all." And spoil all it would have done, 
doubtless, to have shown these independent scriptural 
principles to King James, and to have asked for a patent 
of liberty in religion "under the King's broad seal," for a 
Church of Puritans, maintaining the liberty and power, 
under God, of choosing and ordaining their own ministers. 
One can easily conceive the answer of the blustering 

* Prince, 53. — Young's Chronicles, 65. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 187 

monarch to such an appUcation. " Give a patent of Hberty 
for such rehgion? They will be for choosing their King 
next. We will make them conform, or hang them, that's 
all." It is probable that the King would not even have 
connived at them, had he known them thoroughly, and 
what stuff they were of. They were constituted a church 
by the simple resolution of the Leyden Church, "that 
those who went first should be an absolute church of them- 
selves, as well as those that staid ;" and this, though they 
took not their pastor with them, but had only their elder. 
A novel kind of absolutism in church matters, indeed, to 
King James and his council ! These men, who disposed 
affairs in this simple way, taking the whole power of the 
Hierarchy upon themselves, and into their own hands, as 
a band of mere Christian brethren ; — what would they not 
do, if these principles ran into civil and political, as well as 
Ecclesiastical life ? ^ 

On this refusal, Gov. Bradford remarks that " notwith- 
standing the great discouragement the English at Leyden 
met with from the King and Bishops' refusing to allow 
them liberty of conscience in America, under the Royal 
Seal, yet casting themselves on the care of Providence 
they resolve to venture."* Yes land well they may! 
For the foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal, 
The Lord knoweth them that are his ; and this, Let every 
one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity. 
God's seal is something broader than King James's ; and 
under it they may venture, notwithstanding what in that 
age was deemed so great a discouragement, even by those 
noble Pilgrims. 

The constitutional principles of this first Church of 
Christ in New England are drawn up and presented with 
such simplicity, clearness, and conciseness, by Mr. Prince, 
in his New England Chronology, that we shall, for the 
main part, adopt his enumeration of the articles. 

• Prince, 60. 



183 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

1. That no particular church ought to consist of more 
members than can conveniently watch over one another, 
and usually meet and worship in one congregation. 

2. That every particular Church of Christ is only to 
consist of such as appear to believe in and obey him. 

3. That any competent number of such, when their con- 
sciences oblige them, have a right to embody into a church 
for their mutual edification. 

4. That this embodying is by some certain contract or 
covenant, either expressed or implied, though it ought to be 
by the former. 

5. That being embodied, they have a right of choosing 
all their officers. 

6. That the officers appointed by Christ for this embodied 
Church are, in some respects, of three sorts, in others but 
two, namely, 

(1.) Pastors, or Teaching Elders, who have the power both 
of overseeing, teaching, administering the sacraments, and 
ruling too, and being chiefly to give themselves to study- 
ing, teaching, and the spiritual care of the flock, are there- 
fore to be maintained. 

Mere ruling Elders, who are to help the Pastors in over- 
seeing and ruling ; that their offices be not temporary, as 
among the Dutch and French Churches, but continual ; and 
being also qualified in some degree to teach, they are to 
teach only occasionally, through necessity, or in their 
Pastor's absence or illness; but being not to give them- 
selves to study or teaching, they have no need of main- 
tenance. 

That the Elders of both sorts form the Presbytery of 
overseers and rulers, which should be in every particular 
church ; and are in Scripture called sometimes Presby- 
ters or Elders, sometimes Bishops or Overseers, and some- 
limes Rulers. 

(2.) Deacons, who are to take care of the poor, and of the 
Church's treasure ; to distribute for the support of the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 189 

Pastor, the supply of the needv, the propagation of re- 
ligion, and to minister at the Lord's Table, &c. 

Now this is genuine Congregationalism, there being 
these elements of administration in every true Congrega- 
tional Church, these officers of Christ's appointment. It 
matters little what additional " helps, governments," as 
they are denominated by Paul, be added to these, in the 
shape of Prudential Committees, or a Board of Councillors, 
or Committees of the Church ; nor w^hether one church 
shall choose to elect them annually, and another for life 
or good behavior ; every church having the power to 
regulate these matters according to its own necessities or 
views of expediency. But the ministry and deaconship 
are essentials of every truly and fully organized church. 
Bishops and Deacons, or Elders and Deacons, or Presby- 
ters and Deacons, each name signifying precisely the same 
thing, are the integral forms of officers appointed by Christ 
for each embodied Church. And whether each embodied 
church chooses to view these officers in the three respects 
noted above, and in which our Pilgrim Fathers viewed 
them, or in the two only, in which the Congregational 
Churches of New England, at the present day, ordinarily 
view them, intrusting a prudential power, in the third re- 
spect of mere ruling, to a separate committee ; it matters 
little, so long as the great point of Congregational inde- 
pendency under Christ is maintained. All the Scriptural 
elements of administration and order are in every such 
church. 

The grand original points of Congregationalism in the 
church of our Fathers, as distinguishing them from all 
other churches, throwing them back upon the New Testa- 
ment Platform, and brmging them into a succession direct 
from the Scriptures, were contained not merely in the 
restriction of this Presbytery of overseers and rulers, which 
ought to be in every particular church, to the Scripture 



190 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

model as appointed by Christ, but in the recognition of 
those two other fundamental principles next enumerated 
by Mr. Prince : 

7. That these officers, being chosen and ordained, have 
no lordly, arbitrary, or imposing power, but can only rule 
and minister with the consent of the brethren. 

8. That no churches, or church officers whatever, have 
any power over any church or officers, to control or im- 
pose upon them; but are equal in their rights and privileges, 
and ought to be independent in the exercise and enjoy- 
ment of them. 

The recognition, assertion, and practical demonstration of 
this New Testament Independency, was a new and origi- 
nal thing in a world of hierarchies ; a world into the soul 
of which the idea of power, arbitrary, compulsory power 
as connected with the Church of Christ, had sunk so deeply, 
that a church abandoning it in all forms, and throwing 
itself entirely upon Christ and voluntary persuasion, upon 
Christ, the Truth and Love, seemed the intrusion of a new, 
wild, disorderly heresy ; seemed in one direction the 
abandonment of the Church of Christ to the will of man ; 
in another direction, not only seemed, but was felt and 
known to be, the rescuing of the Church of Christ from the 
power of man, and the redeeming of that spiritual power, 
with which God has invested the very idea of the church, 
and which in the hands of ambitious men is so tremendous 
an engine of corruption and despotism, from the sceptre of 
kings, from the sway of hierarchies, from the grasp of 
superstition, from the dominion of the God of this world. 
By this independency of men and hierarchies, Christ 
resumes this power into his own hands, and makes it the 
power of his Spirit, acting on and transforming the world, 
not by ecclesiastical canons, but by His Truth. 

Our Fathers found these two orders, and these only, of 
church officers, in the New Testament Scriptures, for each 



OF PRINCIPLES, PKOVIUENCES, A^T> PERSONS. 191 

embodied church, namely, 1. Presbyters, or Bishops, or 
Elders ; and 2. Deacons. For the Presbyters they made a 
divfsion of labor in respect, first, of teaching and over- 
seeing, or second, of overseeing mainly, with the duty of 
teaching occasionally, as need might be. For this division 
of labor, they thought they had the authority of Scripture, 
as the Presbyterians also universally thought, in 1st Timo- 
thy V. 17. But this office of ruling Elder, as a separate 
distinction, came gradually to be merged into a board or 
committee of members of the church for the assistance of 
the Pastor or Pastors. According to the usage of Congre- 
gationalism, this body is now generally chosen for a 
limited number of years ; whereas, our fathers elected 
them, under the name of Elders, for life. Bishops, Deacons, 
and the Independency of the Churches, were then, as now, 
the elements of Congregationalism, as found in the New 
Testament, with the power, vested in each church, by its 
Supreme Head, of appointing each its own number of 
those officers of Christ, as the edification and usefulness of 
the church might require. The office of Deacon, our 
fathers, in contradistinction from the French Reformed 
Churches, held to be for life, or during the continuance of 
that fitness in the incumbents, in reference to w^hich they 
were originally chosen. And this also has been the usage 
of Congregationalism, with some individual exceptions, 
ever since. 

Here, as to Church Administrations (including Baptism 
and the Lord's Supper), and Holy Days, Mr. Prince enume- 
rates two more articles : 

9. As to Church Administrations, they held that Baptism 
is a seal of the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed 
only to visible believers, with their unadult children ; and 
this in primitive purity, as in the times of Christ and his 
Apostles, without the sign of the cross, or any other 
invented ceremony. And that the church or its officers 
have no authority to inflict any penalties of a temporal 



192 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

nature, excommunication being wholly spiritual, in a rejec- 
tion of the scandalous from the communion of the church. 

10. And lastly, as for Holy Days: They were V^ry 
strict for the observation of the Lord's Day, in a pious 
memory of the Incarnation, Birth, Death, Resurrection, 
Ascension, and Benefits of Christ ; as also, solemn Fastings 
and Thanksgivings, as the State of Providence requires. 
But all other times not prescribed in Scripture they utterly 
relinquished. And as in general they could not conceive 
anything a part of Christ's religion, which he has not 
required, they therefore renounced all human right of 
inventing, and much less of imposing it on others. 

" These," says Mr. Prince, " were the main principles 
of that scriptural and religious liberty, for w^hich this peo- 
ple suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the 
ocean, and sought a dangerous retreat in these remote and 
savage deserts of North America ; that here they might 
fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last posterity."* 

Now it is a strange thing that any man in his senses 
should have dreamed that King James would ever put his 
seal of toleration to these principles ; principles that in 
their very nature imply and impel the rejection of all tole- 
ration from any earthly power, as a usurpation of Christ's 
power by man, inconsistent with Christian liberty. Sir 
John Worstenholme saw this, pretty clearly, when he said 
that the showing of the letters of Robinson and Brew«ter 
would spoil all. 

Here was Hierarchism on the one side, and Congrega- 
tionalism on the other. There are only these two Ecclesi- 
astical divisions in the world, all else being merged in this 
great question, whether man shall reign, or Christ, over 
the conscience. Now let us look at the etymology of these 
two great words. 

(1.) ''[sp6ip)(y\s, a Steward or President of Sacred rites. 
Hierarchism, Supremacy-in-sacred-rite-ism. A despotism 

* Prince, 91-93. 



Oi PEp."CIPLES, FROVIDENCES, AiNU TEKSOAS. 198 

by and with sacred rites. An imposition of priestly forms, 
by man's power, upon the conscience. The constitution 
of a hierarchical corporation, with supreme power. 

(2.) Congrego. To collect togetlier ; for example, 7//e 
gathering together in one the children of God, as in John 
xi. 52. The word would be supplied, if in Greek, by 
Suvot/'w ; (Sxjvayu.yy] being the word used in that passage in 
John. It is used also in 2 Thess. ii. 1, "our gathering 
together into Christ," ■J)|*uv hiadvva.yuyriS sv' avrov ; and also 
in Hebrews x. 25, of the Christian Congregation. The 
Apostle might well say, " We beseech you by our Congre- 
gationalism into Christ." 

And I, if I be lifted up, said our Blessed Lord, will draw 
all men unto me. Now it is this gathering of men into 
Christ, in contradistinction from the impressment of them 
under a hierarchism of rites and rubrics, that constitutes 
true Congregationalism. It is the lifting up of Christ as 
the sole and Supreme Head, Christ as the Way, the Truth, 
and the Life, Christ as the sum and substance of all divini- 
ty, Christ as the only Lord of Conscience, of the Church, and 
of Sacred Rites in it : this is that Congregationalism : that 
which will gather all men at length into Christ's own liber- 
ty, the liberty of serving and edifying one another freely, 
in love. 

Now it is remarkable that the first person under the New 
Testament Dispensation, who prophesied of this gathering 
together of the children of God in Christ, and of course 
of the destruction of the Hierarchism of Christianity, as 
well as of Judaism, was Caiaphas the High Priest. The 
Congregationalism of Christianity, the Synagoguizing of 
the people of God under Christ, instead of the Hierarchiz- 
ing of them under an earthly head, was here foreshadowed. 
The Congregationalism was then beginning, and the Hier- 
archism should then have stopped ; instead of which, Caia- 
phas and his system still kept up the conflict with Christ 
and his, with the Apostles and theirs ; and in all the ages of 



194 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Christianity ever since, the Hierarchism and the Congrega 
tionalism have been the great decisive, separating, and con- 
flicting systems. Perhaps the conflict is to continue, even 
till the prediction of the old High Priest shall be complete- 
ly fulfilled, in the gathering together of all the children of 
God into one fold, under one Shepherd, in the unity of the 
Spirit, in one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism I 



1 



CHAPTER IX. 



THE FIRST CIVIL COMPACT. TOLERATION, CONNIVANCE, LI- 
BERTY OF CONSCIENCE. FOUNDATIONS OF THE STATE. 

REPETITION OF THE FREE COVENANTS. 

We have dwelt upon the first free Church Covenant, a 
mighty and glorious phenomenon, the creation of eternal 
principles, or rather the creation of Divine grace, and the 
expression of principles that flow from time into eternity, 
and bind the whole family of God in heaven and on earth 
together. Out of this springs the free civil covenant, for 
freedom in the State is the offspring of Christian freedom 
in the Church, the creation of that liberty with which 
Christ makes his people free. That first Church compact, 
that old, free, Lincolnshire, Pilgrim church compact, that 
phenomenon of Conventicles and dissent, is just what the 
nations of Europe need now, at this hour of revolution, to 
go before the free civil compact, to prepare its way, and 
give it form, life, and stability. 

But men need a vast deal of discipline and instruction on 
this matter of a free conscience both in church and state, 
before they can understand it. Our Pilgrim fathers began 
the practice, unde'r God's good providence, even before 
they had learned the theory ; indeed they learned the 
theory by the practice. 



196 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

It is noticeable that at this time, with all their determi- 
nation to enjoy tVeedom of conscience, not a person in the 
church or congregation but seems to have regarded it as a 
gift in the power of King James. Accordingly to him they 
looked for it, but God would not let the Pilgrim church, in 
its refuge under Christ's care in the New World, undergo 
the indignity of being tolerated by any earthly monarch or 
power. God was going to put an end to toleration in reli- 
gion by this enterprise, and therefore in his providence he 
went further in this thing for the Pilgrims tlian they had 
yet learnec^ to go for themselves. After much anxious and 
prayerful consideration, they determined to settle in the 
New World under the Virginia Company, " and by their 
friends to sue to his Majesty that he would be pleased to 
grant them free liberty and freedom of religion." And 
some great friends of good work and quality undertook to 
be their patrons in this suit. To such shifts has our reli- 
gious conscience been driven in this world, and to such 
height was the Papacy in essence still rising in England ; 
so they sued for confirmation of liberty in religion under 
the king's broad seal, laboring both with the king and the 
Archbishop ; but all would not do. The king under seal 
would neither allow nor tolerate. God would have no- 
thing in the charter of New England liberty, which should 
intimate that the keeping of the conscience was in the 
hands of King James of England, or that he had any 
authority to tolerate. God would throw the Pilgrims for 
their toleration only upon Christ. They at length got a 
patent from the A'irginia Company, though not without 
great dithculty, but the disgrace of James's seal of toleration 
was never attached to it, nor, if it had been, could it have 
served their turn, "although they had had a seal as broad 
as the house floor ;" it would have been as easily called 
back or reversed as given. 

" It is a capital error," said John Cartwright in his Let- 
ters on American Independence, addressed in 1774 to the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 197 

House of Commons, speaking of the riglits of man, "It is a 
capital error in the reasonings of most writers on this sub- 
ject, that they consider the liberty of mankind in the same 
light as an estate or chattel, and go about to prove or dis- 
prove the right of it by grants, usages, or municipal statutes. 
It is not among mouldy parchments that we are to look for 
it ; it is the immediate gilt of God ; it is not derived from 
any one ; but it is original in every one." 

This was the error even of our Pilgrim Fathers them- 
selves in regard to religious liberty, which, with all their 
advancement, they still looked upon as a gift in possession 
of the king, until God, by his providence and word, taught 
them better. Highly as they prized their religious liberty, 
so that they were willing to suffer and die for it, they did 
not yet view it as solely the gift of God by charter to his 
people through Christ ; as a possession, a right, in regard to 
which the pretended power of toleration, in any earthly 
king or state, is a blasphemous usurpation of God's attri- 
butes. So in this case God was better for them than they 
were for themselves, and planted them in the wilderness 
with more unrestricted liberty and superiority to earthly 
toleration than they had asked from others. King James 
should have nothing to do with tolerating them. So, what- 
ever patents might be issued, of usurpation under the form 
of grants, after they had got footing in the New World, 
their first settlement as a church and civil state should not 
even have the king's name connected with it. They were 
under God only, and his charter for them was the Bible. 

Even the patent which they did get was never used by 
them, nor was it ever taken out in any of their names, nor 
did it ever prove, that we know, of the least concernment 
or importance in any of their affairs, but only as God made 
use of it, by reason of the delays, difficulties, and distrac- 
tions involved in the gaining of it, to sift out still more of 
the chaff fi-om among the seed-corn he was preparing. The 
discouragementg in this matter of the patent "shook off 



198 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

many of their pretended friends," and in that service was 
much better for them than the King's great seal. 

In the very part of England out of which the Pilgrims 
first fled to Holland, King James was now playing the 
persecutor, requiring the Bishop of Lancashire to present all 
the Puritans and Precisians within the same, either con- 
straining them to conform or leave the country ; ordering 
that those who would attend church on Sundays should not 
be disturbed or discouraged from dancing, archery, leap- 
ing, vaulting, having May-games, Whitsun-ales, Morrice 
dances, setting up May-poles, and other sports therewith 
used, or any other such harmless recreations, on Sundays 
after divine service ; all which and much more for the jail- 
delivery of Beelzebub all ministers were compelled to read 
in their churches, such food being prepared by the drunken 
mongjch in his book of sports, for the souls of his people. 
If any refused to read, they were summoned into the High 
Commission Court, and imprisoned and suspended. The 
next year the same saintly monarch published his medita- 
tions on the Lord's Prayer !* 

The failure of the Pilgrims in getting the King's patent, 
together with that other providence of God in their being 
compelled to come to anchor in Cape Cod Harbor, a place 
with which the Virginia Company had nothing to do, and 
where, of course, no patent from them could bestow any 
rights, was the cause of that solemn compact in the May 
Flower, by which they took the business of patent, govern- 
ment, and all civil and religious rights into their own hands, 
and became in reality an independent republic. There 
was already in growth the germ of the future republic, all 
its forms being folded up in the colony now planted, 
although as yet the form of a kingly crown rose above it. 
It was the God of providence and grace working as the 
God of nature works, by gradual onward progress from 
living principles, which in the fulness of time were to throw 

* Prince, 50. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 199 

off the old form-covering entirely, and to stand revealed, 
in a transfiguration or creation of their own, suited to them. 
Even so in nature the old leaves, as Mr. Coleridge, in one 
of his beautifully suggestive illustrations, has remarked, are 
thrown off only by the propulsion of new buds. The old 
form might endeavor to hold its place, and play the despot 
for a while, but before the power of a new growth it must 
fall. 

We say that that failure was the cause ; for although the 
Pilgrims intimate in their Journal that the occasion of 
entering into that compact was the manifestation of some 
disobedient unruly humors in some of the little company, 
yet if they had been in possession of a regular charter from 
the King, covering their incorporation as a colony where 
they landed, it is not probable that they would have felt the 
need of any other morally coercive compact than the terms 
of that. God's providence is to be marked in leading them 
to that, as well as to their religious covenant ; the one seal- 
ing them, by the spirit of God, as a free Church, the other, 
as a free voluntary civil and political community. 

Mr. Baylies refers the symptoms of insubordination solely 
to the servants that had been shipped in England, and were 
not members of the Pilgrim Church. " Their servants," 
he says,* " who had not been members of the Leyden con- 
gregation, but who for the most part had been gathered up 
in England, seemed to anticipate a perfect freedom from 
the restraints both of law and government." Thev had 
probably been made to believe this ; and the company, 
being really under no present authority whatever, and 
liaving no charter, had reason to apprehend the greatest 
difficulty from any spirit of insubordination that might 
break out, and so were driven to the choice of a Governor, 
and to an agreement of self-government and obedience 
among themselves. "Some of the inferior class among 
them had muttered," says Hutchinson, "that, when they 

• Baylies' Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, vol. i., p. 27. 



200 mSTOKICAL A.N'D LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

should get ashore, one man would be as good as another, 
and they would do what seemed good in their own eyes."* 
It is very likely these mutinous dispositions were set at 
work and inflamed by Billington, the first offender in the 
colonv, and afterwards a murderer. There were also two 
vulgar imitators of high life in England among the servants, 
who, as we shall see, played the part of the first duellists 
in New England, and were punished for it. 

If these insubordinate servants were the means of in- 
ducing that compact on board the May Flower, it was not 
in vain, nor for evil, that they were shipped from England 
with the little company from Leyden. Whether its authors 
and signers foresaw, or thoroughly understood, or much 
less intended, the full extent of what they were doing, is of 
little importance. Indeed it was not possible that they 
could even dream what an empire of perfect liberty and 
self-government they were founding ; to what principles 
they were giving embodiment for future generations, prin- 
ciples that, more than two hundred years after they were 
all laid in their graves, should shake all Europe, nay the 
whole world, to its centre. Principles they were, that 
under a religious guidance made their own chosen wilder- 
ness like the garden of the Lord ; but principles that, with- 
out such guidance or preparation, break out as sudden, 
overwhelming, devastating volcanoes, after which there 
must pass whole ages perhaps, before a new verdure can 
ris8 upon the mouldering lava. It is by celestial obser- 
vations alone, said Mr. Coleridge, that terrestrial charts 
can be constructed ; and how perfectly true is this remark 
as to the governments and liberties of modern Europe. 
Religion must lay the foundation of freedom, or there will 

be none. 

\i • 

^ '• What comes from heaven to heaven by nature clings, 

And if dissevered thence, its life is short." 

• Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., vol. ii., p. -101. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 201 

Now it is remarkable liow often the Providence of God 
shut up the Colonists to the repetition of these same free 
Covenants, both in Church and State, sometimes by com- 
pelling them to settle without the regular patents which 
they had been seeking, and sometimes by throwing them 
upon places of settlement beyond the limits of the patents 
which they had obtained. This was the case with the first 
Colony of Connecticut, in 1636. "They had a sort of 
commission from the Government of the Massachusetts 
Bay, for the administration of justice till they could come 
to a more orderly settlement ; but finding themselves 
without the limits of their jurisdiction, they entered into a 
voluntary association, choosing magistrates, and making 
laws for themselves, after the example of the Colony from 
whence they issued. Thus they continued, until the resto- 
ration of King Charles II., when, by the industry and appli- 
cation of Mr. John Winthrop, Jr., they obtained as ample 
a charter as was ever enjoyed by any people."* 

The same was the case with the colony under Eaton and 
Davenport, in 1637, at New Haven. " They purchased of 
the natives," says Mr. Neal, "all the land that lies between 
Connecticut River and Hudson's, which divides the South- 
ern part of New England from New York, and removed 
thither towards the latter end of the summer. They 
seated themselves in the Bay, and spread along the coast, 
whei-e they built first the town of New Haven, which gives 
name to the colony ; and then the towns of Guilford, Mil- 
ford, Stamford, and Braintree. After some time they 
crossed the Bay, and made several settlements in Long 
Island, erecting churches in all places where they came, 
after the Independent form, of which Mr. Davenport was 
a great patron. But the New Haven Colony lay under the 
same disadvantage with Connecticut, as to a charter ; they 
were without the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and were 
therefore under no government, nor had any other title to 

• Keal'd History of New England, Vol. ii., page 148. 
9* 



202 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

their lands, but what they had from the natives. They 
entered therefore into a voluntary combination, and formed 
themselves into a body politic, after the manner of those 
of Connecticut. Thus they continued, till the year 1664, 
when King Charles II. united the two colonies, and by a 
charter settled their liberties on a solid foundation." * 

Settled their liberties on a solid foundation ! But God 
had settled them before. The Historian seems to imagine 
that they had no solid foundation, till the King of England 
chartered them ; and sjich a King to charter the liberty of 
the Pilgrims ! The Historian seems to be marvelling in 
his mind how could the poor, unprotected, ungoverned, 
because unchartered, adventurers, possibly get on from 
1637 to 1664, without the King's broad seal, and with their 
lands only purchased from the natives ! How they could 
live and prosper, with the mere voluntary framing of them- 
selves into a body politic, with their own laws and magis- 
trates, after the manner of those of Connecticut, seemed a 
riddle to the royalist spectators. And even Mr. Neal ap- 
pears to think that their title to their lands was really better, 
signed with the name of King Charles, than with the arrow- 
heads of the Sachems from whom they were purchased. 

The only use of a charter, that we can think of, was to 
give them the privileges of an incorporation by law, and to 
secure them from the intrusion of other companies or indi- 
viduals. But as to the security af their liberties under 
such Monarchs as the Stuarts, if they were not secured by 
their own virtue, firmness, and voluntary combination, a 
charter was worth nothing. Besides, in the view of the 
royalists, the people chartered by the Monarch were bound 
to be of his sentiments in their religious as well as their 
civil polity, and every ordinance and institution of the 
Church of England was binding upon them. Even in 
our own day, by distinguished historians, a grave charge 
has been brought against our Pilgrim Fathers, for daring to 

• Neal's Hist. N. Eng. Vol. i., pages 152, 153. 



OP PRINCIPLES, PRpVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 203 

disregard the sentiments of the Monarch under whose 
authority they settled in America, so far as even to adopt 
in their infant church the Independent form of Ecclesiasti- 
cal policy ! One can hardly read such sober accusations 
without a smile ; but the Historian Grahame devotes seve- 
ral of his excellent pages to their refutation.* 

• Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, Vol i. 20S— 211 



CHAPTER X. 



THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, FOLLOWtNG THE FIRST COMPACT.— 

DISCOVERY OF PLYMOUTH. THE HARBOR, THE LOCALITIES, 

THE ASSOCIATIONS. PLYMOUTH ROCK, AND THE BEAUTY 

OF THE HIGH-TIDE SCENERY. 

The Capes of ISew England are regions both of mate- 
rial and spiritual grandeur, for the sea-scenery is glorious, 
and the historical associations are full of interest. Take a 
favorable season of the year, and a clear bright day, a 
day, for example^ in the Indian summer, and earth has not 
anything to show more fair, in a mood of harmony between 
the atmosphere, and ocean, than the sea-views all along the 
New England coast. Some of its harbors are of the finest 
in the world ; but others, if they can be called such, re- 
ceive unprotected the whole broadside of the Atlantic. 
There is an inexhaustible and most romantic variety in the 
bays, capes, beaches, inlets, islands, promontories, crags, 
and marsh-meadows of its rock-bound shores. 

The sweep of Cape Cod is a most remarkable forma- 
tion. Since the creation of the world we know not what 
use was ever made of it, till the May Flower was stopped 
by it in her voyage, and compelled there to come to anchor. 
An enthusiastic mind wanders over that whole region with 
delight ; for here w'as the opening of a new dispensation 
in the great things that connect earth with heaven ; a new 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 205 

scene in the History of Redemption ; a new sciiool, a free 
school, of discipline and instruction for God's church. 
Here the imaginative and romantic are combined with the 
sternest reaUties, in the circle of Christian life, labor, and 
experience, in the unfolding of God's plan. In process of 
time there may be a new Christian Epic, and these rude 
names and places of Cape Cod, Pakanokit, Patuxet, Naum- 
keag, will be among the centi'al points of a region invested 
with imaginative beauty, and fraught with rich and power- 
ful associations ; so that by and by the Islands of the 
Homeric seas, and the coasts of Palinurus' navigation, will 
not possess a more poetical and classic interest. 

From Cape Cod Harbor, leaving the May Flower there, 
the Pilgrims set out on their exploring expeditions to find a 
place of permanent settlement. They were anxious and 
hurried, not only by the lateness of the season, on the 
verge of winter, but by the actual danger of being set 
ashore anywhere, at the will of the Captain of the little 
ship, and abandoned of all human aid to their fate, even 
before they had a single roof for shelter. There are one 
or two passages in the Journal, which, combined with some 
historical hints from other sources, have a great deal of 
meaning in them, to open fully to our minds the hazardous 
position of the Pilgrims. Of this nature is that note among 
their reasons urged for a hasty settlement at Cape Cod, 
namely : "it was also conceived, whilst we had competent 
victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that 
grew less, they would be gone, and let us shift as we 
could." It is quite evident from this, and from some other 
indications, that they feared the ship-master, and had no 
confidence in him ; which inclines us to give some credit 
to the affirmation of Mr. Morton in his memorial, that the 
May Flower was forced into Cape Cod harbor "more 
especially by the fraudulency and contrivance of Mr. 
Jones, the master of the ship ; for their intention, as is be- 
fore noted, and his engagement, was to Hudson's river. 



206 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

But some of the Dutch having notice of their intentions, 
and having thoughts about the same time of erecting a 
plantation there Hkewise, they fraudulently hired the said 
Jones, by delays while they were in England, and now 
under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c., to disap- 
point them of their going thither. But God outshoots 
Satan oftentimes in his own bow."* 

Be this as it may, they were in anxious haste for settle- 
ment, and came near settling on the Cape itself. 

" The master of the ship," says Mr. Morton, " and his 
company, pressed them with speed to look out a place for 
their settlement, at some near distance ; for the season was 
such that he would not stir from thence, till a safe harbor 
was discovered by them with the boat. Yea, it was some- 
limes threatened that if they did not get a place in time, 
they and their goods should be turned on shore, and the 
ship should leave them. The master also expressed him- 
self that provisions were spending apace, and that he 
would keep sufficient for himself and company for their 
return (to England)." 

By the ICth of December, they had come in their ex- 
plorings as far as Clark's Island, in Plymouth harbor ; so 
called, because Thomas Clark, the mate of the May Flower, 
first set foot upon it. They described this harbor as " a bay 
greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly land, and 
in the bay two fine Islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing 
but woods, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and 
other trees, which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 
ful place; innumerable store of fowl, and excellent food, 
and cannot but be of fish in their seasons." Such was 
Plymouth then, to their view very hopeful, and there they 
determined to settle, and there landed on the Rock. In 
the space of two hundred years, the localities have so far 
changed, at least in the mantle thrown over them by time 
and cultivation, that if the Pilgrims could rise from their 
* Morton, New England's Memorial. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 207 

graves at this day, they would hardly know the place of 
their pilgrimage, especially if they should see sailless ships 
rushing into the harbor against both wind and tide, and a 
long train of cars thundering into the town upon the rail- 
road. Doubtless they have seen all this progress from the 
world of spirits, and are now beholding the future results 
of it far more clearly, and from a higher post of observa- 
tion than we. 

And the Rock — Plymouth Rock — would they know the 
place where they landed ? Under present circumstances, 
one might make the circuit of the whole water-side of the 
village, and scarce find granite data for even a guess as to 
the spot so sacred now in the annals of New England. 
When the shallop from the May Flower first touched that 
spot it was an imperfect rocky ledge, partly covered with 
the sea at high tide, but now almost entirely hidden by 
the earth of the street, and at some little distance from the 
margin of the water. This sacred spot is in the gangway 
to a wharf, between two store-houses for grain. Yet one 
can see, on consideration, that if the buildings, with their 
foundations, and the accumulated soil around them, were 
taken away, together with the wharves that stretch out 
beyond them, so that nature could be restored to the rude 
simplicity and savageness of 1620, an admirable picture 
might be drawn, not from imagination, but reality, of the 
Pilgrims stepping from their shallop on the wave-worn 
rock. 

Nevertheless, the disappointment in the minds of most 
persons, on visiting the spot as it now appears to the eye, 
is very great. " What ! This the Pilgrim Rock !" they 
exclaim, " this dusty lane and wharf-way between these 
old store-houses ! Why, this is no rock at all." And 
indeed, several tons of the Rock having been removed, 
and the rest being nearly hidden with earth, there seems 
to be nothing left. The huge fragment taken away is now 
deposited in front of Pilgrim Hall, and is there surrounded 



208 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

by an iron railing, with the names of the Pilgrims inscribed 
in ovals at the top. Perhaps it would be in better taste to 
carry the fragment back to its native original position, 
and there encircle it with whatever defences may be 
requisite for its protection. There should be a park there, 
down to the water's edge ; for where in the world, out of 
Judea or Egypt, is there a more sacred bit of soil, be it 
rock or rich mould, than that which the feet of those men 
first pressed, as the chosen spot where the home should be 
of the free to worship God ? It is a solemn place ; the in- 
congruities of the artificial scenery around it are of no 
avail to diminish the impression, when the great reality 
presses on the mind. It is felt to be a solemn spot, when, 
on Forefathers' Day, the procession of men bare-headed 
passes over it ; each man silently, reverently, as he ap- 
proaches it, uncovering his head ; it is a time, place, and 
scene, for thoughts much more easily imagined than 
described. 

To gain a satisfactory impression of the localities of Ply- 
mouth Harbor, we must ascend the Burial Hill, which 
rises, covered with its forest of grave-stones, directly 
above the terrace, where the Pilgrims laid out the first rude 
street of their settlement. It is a very sacred spot in their 
history, and the view from it is incomparably fine. The 
town lies below you, around the bosom of the hill. A few 
majestic elms and lindens rise in beautiful masses of foliage 
among the buildings on the water side, but in general there 
are few trees, until the eye passes into that noble ridge of 
pine forest on the southeast, running out into the sea ; a 
hill-range of the primeval wilderness, as deeply foliaged as 
the Green Mountains, or the Jura range in Switzerland. 
The wide harbor is before you, with a bar or spit of land 
straight stretching across the centre of it, and dividing th^ 
inner flats from the deep blue water beyond. I say the 
wide harbor. And now it depends very much upon 
the time of tide when you first enter the town, whether 



OF rRINClPLES, PEOVIDEN'CES, AND PEESONS. 209 

yon are greatly disappointed or pleased in the first impres- 
sion. Plymouth harbor is one of those vast inlets so fre- 
quent along our coast, where, at high tide, you see a mag- 
nificent bay studded with islands, and opening proudly 
into the open ocean ; but at low tide an immense extent of 
muddy, salt-grassed, and sea-weeded shallows, with a 
narrow stream winding its way among them to find the 
sea. Here and there lies stranded the bark of a fisherman, 
or a lumber schocner amidst the flats, left at low tide, 
not high and dry, but half sunk in the mud ; and the wharves 
are dripping with rotting seaweed, and the shores look 
decaying and deserted ; not pebbly or sandy like a beach, 
but swampy with eel grass, and strewn here and there 
with the skeletons of old horse-fishes, crabs, muscles, &c., 
among the withered layers of dry kelp. Now and then, 
also, the red huts and fish-flakes of the fishermen vary the 
scene upon the shore, or a small vessel, about as large as 
the May Flower, slowly though with all sail set, follows 
the course of the stream winding among the shallows, the 
only channel, at low tide, by which there is any approach 
from the outer open bay, towards the quay or business 
landing-place of the village. The extent of these flats and 
shallows at Cape Cod and Plymouth, was the cause of 
great evil and hardship at first ; for, speaking of Cape Cod 
Bay, where the Pilgrims first came to anchor, they say : 
" We could not come near the shore by three-quarters of 
an English mile, because of shallow water, which was a 
great prejudice to us, for our people, going on shore, were 
forced to wade a bow-shoot or two in going a-land, which 
caused many to get colds and coughs, for it was by times 
freezing cold weather." In these colds and coughs were 
the seed, to some of a speedy, to others a lingering. New 
England consumption, which soon sowed the harbor side 
with graves, almost as many as the names of the living. 

Now this whole range of low tide scenery, to one who is 
truly fond of the sea and the shore, in all their freaks, inlets, 



210 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIOiNS 

varieties, and gi-and and homely moods, is not without its 
beauty. The poet Crabbe, or the Puritan poet, R. H. 
Dana, would describe it in such interesting colors that it 
would wear a most romantic charm ; the stranded boats, 
and the mud flats, and the rotting sea weed, would have a 
strange imaginative life put into them. Nevertheless, if 
these are the first images of the landing of the Pilgrims 
presented to you, you will experience, probably, a great 
disappointment. 

But now if you behold this same sweep of sea scenery 
at high tide, beneath a clear sky, a bright sun, in the color- 
ing of morn or evening, or in the solemn stillness of an 
autumn noon, what an amazing change ! It is no longer 
the same region. You would think it one of the finest har- 
bors in the world. You would think it was the preference 
and selection of the human will, after long searching, that 
brought the Pilgrims hither, and not merely the hand and 
compulsion of an overruling Providence. You would think 
how easy and how natural for them to find their way just 
to this landing-place ; and how beautiful and admirable the 
region, for the thrift of a colony, both in commercial and 
in country life. How differently God sees from man ! He 
seems to have shut up the Pilgrims in this inlet, difficult of 
access from the sea, and barren in the country, to set their 
growth, firm and steadfast, amidst much tribulation, in 
dependence neither on the riches of the land, nor the sea, 
nor the attractions of commercial intercourse, but upon 
himself alone. He hid them as in a tabernacle from the 
strife of tongues, and let them grow, unperverted by the 
admiring notice, and unassaulted by the temptations of a 
wicked world. It was a costly growth, but glorious. 

It must have been at high tide that the Pilgrims found 
their way into this harbor. A sweet fresh stream, setting 
into it from the land, was to them a great attraction, as 
well as the abundance of fresh fountains. Had they been 
able to survey the coast as far as Boston, before making 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 211 

choice of their settlement, they would probably have stopped 
there, and the swift commercial growth that would thence 
have succeeded the enterprise would not have been favor- 
able to the growth of a deep-set piety, the fixtures of 
stern, difficult, Puritan virtue in the character. Like New 
England soil itself, there must be a granite basis first, and 
then a sturdy, vigorous loam to last for many generations. 
So the settlement and growth of the Pilgrim colonies was 
at first slow, difficult, painful ; but so much the more rapid, 
unprecedented, and successful afterwards. It was a native 
growth. If thej'e had been such a thing as steam commu- 
nication then between England and America, there would 
never have been a New England on this continent, as the 
example of social, commercial, and religious virtue and 
happiness for the world. Let us be thankful to God that 
he kept the ocean between us and Europe for two hundred 
years, before he lessened the distance or the difficulty of 
its navigation, or permitted the tide of an ignorant and 
vicious emigration to set with such fury upon us, as would 
have destroyed our'infant institutions in the bud. 



1 



CHAPTER XI. 

INSTRUCTIVE DISCIPLINE OF THE PILGRIM CHURCH AT AMSTER- 
DAM. ORIGINAL ORDER AND BEAUTY OF THE CHURCHES 

THERE. EVILS OF DISSENSION, AND OF MINUTE LEGISLA- 
TION. THE FORBEARING AND KINDLY SPIRIT OF THE PIL- 
GRIM CHURCH. 

Together with Robinson and Brewster, there is mention 
in Governor Bradford's writings of a grave and fatherly 
old man, having a great white beard j a sound, orthodox, 
reverend old man, who had converted many to God by his 
faithful and painstaking ministry, both in preaching and 
catechizing. This was Mr. Richard Clifton, one of the 
earliest members in that Congregational Church in the 
North of England, of which Mr. Robinson was chosen the 
Pastor. Mr. Clifton accompanied the Church in its exile 
to Amsterdam, but on account of his great age did not 
remove with it from Amsterdam to Leyden, but took his 
dismission from them to join the Church in Amsterdam, 
In that church there were at one time about three hundred 
communicants, under the care of two eminent men as their 
Pastor and Teacher, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth. In 
the time of their beauty and order, before the canker of 
division and bitterness, they were a flourishing church, 
having " four grave men for ruling elders, and three able 
and godly men for deacons, and one ancient widow for 
deaconess, who did them service many years, though she 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDEXCES, AND PERSONS. 213 

was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She ho- 
nored her place, and was an ornament to the congregation." 
The Leyden Church docs not seem to have kept up any 
such office or service as this latter. The notice of it by 
Gov. Bradford is very curious, reminding one of the 
pictures in Shenstone's Schoolmistress. 

Her cap, far whiter than the driven snow, 
Emblem right meet of decency does yield ; 
Her apron dyed in grain, as blue, I trow, 
As is t!ie harebell that adorns the field ; 
And in her hand for sceptre she does wield 
Tway birchen sprays ; with anxious fear entwined, 
With dark distrust and sad repentance filled; 
And steadfast hate, and sharp affliction joined, 
And fury uncontrolled, and chastisement unkind. 

Here oft the dame, on Sabbath's decent eve, 
Hymned such Psalms as Sternhold forth did mete; 
If winter 'twere, she to her hearth did cleave, 
But in her garden found a summer seat; 
Sweet melody ! to hear her then repeat 
How Israel's sons, beneath a foreign king. 
While taunting foemon did a song entreat, 
All for the nonce untuning every string, 
Uphung their useless lyres — small heart had they to sing. 

For she was just, and friend to virtuous lore, 
And passed much time in truly virtuous deed ; 
And in those elfins' ears would oft deplore 
The times when truth by Popish rage did bleed. 
And tortuous death was true devotion's meed ; 
And simple faith in iron chains did mourn 
That would on wooden image place her creed ; 
And many a saint in smouldering flames did burn ; 
Ah ! dearest Lord, forefend tliilk days should e'er return. 

Right well she knew each temper to descry, 
To thwart the proud, and the submiss to raise; 
Some with vile copper-prize exalt on high. 
And some entice with pittance small of praise ; 
And other some with baleful sprig she frays ; 



214 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Even absent she the reins of power doth hold, 
While with quaint arts the giddy crowd she sways; 
Forewarned, if little bird their pranks behold, 
'Twill whisper in her ear, and all the scene unfold. 

Lo, now with state she utters her command, 
Eftsoons the urchins to their tasks repair, 
Their books of stature small they take in hand, 
Which with pellucid horn secured are, 
To save from fingers wet the letters fair; 
The work so gay, that on their back is seen, 
St. George's high achievements does declare; 
On which thilk wight that has ygazing been 
Kens the forth-coining rod, unpleasing sight I ween. 

Not unlike this must have been the character of the 
venerable deaconess, in whose rule as a Mother in Israel, 
with maidens and young women, among the poor and sick, 
or by birchen rod, and on bench of State, among the chil- 
dren, in time of public worship, there was not a little of 
the simplicity of primitive discipline. She was a mild 
reflection, to the urchins of that day, of the image of the 
old-fashioned Connecticut Tythingmen. 

"She usually sat in a convenient place in the congrega- 
tion," says Gov. Bradford, " with a little birchen rod in 
her hand, and kept little children in great awe from dis- 
turbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the 
sick and weak, especially women, and as there was need 
called out maids and young women to watch, and do them 
other helps as their necessity did require : and if they 
were poor, she would gather relief for them of those who 
were able, or acquaint the deacons: and she was obeyed 
as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ," 

There are such mothers in Israel still, by virtue of deep 
and well known piety, and old experience, but without the 
title and distinction of office. The reality of deaconesses 
has not passed out of the churches, although the office 
has. Yet now in some parts of the modern Evangelical 
Church efforts are making to revive it. 



OF Pni.\CIPL£S, PROVIDENCES, AMD PERSONS. 215 

But notwithstanding all this beauty and order in the 
church at Amsterdam, the spirit of discord broke out 
among them, and in such a way, that one is inclined to 
think that the providence of God led the Pilgrim Church 
with Robinson and Brewster to Amsterdam first, that by 
the example of such ruinous dissensions from little causes 
before them, they might hate and vigilantly avoid the 
same ; that they might love peace above all other things 
except the truth, and that they might ever be charitable 
and yielding in littfe and indifferent things, and might seek 
the things which make for peace, and those whereby one 
might edify another. This they did, remarkably, being an 
eminent example of uninterrupted love, kindness, disinte- 
restedness, freedom, liberality, and concord with one ano- 
ther. We cannot doubt that their sojourn at Amsterdam, 
and the melancholy example of the fire of contention 
there, with the still older and more sadly instructive case 
at Frankfort, was of great benefit to them ; it admonished 
them of the ways in which Satan, if permitted, would get 
an advantage over them ; it made them acquainted with 
his devices, and put them on their guard against the spirit 
of envy, jealousy, censoriousness, and bitterness in their 
own hearts, that if they found it working they might at 
once, by the help of Christ's grace, cast it out. The beau- 
tiful, apostolic, gentle, and heavenly tenor of Robinson's 
instructions on these points, and the frequency with which 
he repeated them, and dwelt upon them, and warned his 
dear flock, both at Leyden and in the wilderness, to be on 
their defence and to guard unceasingly against the spirit of 
self-prejudice, self-opinion, self-seeking, self-obstinacy in 
every way, and to be kindly and forbearing in regard to 
the humors, peculiarities, and causes of minor offence, 
which they might see in others, grew much out of his ex- 
perience there ; and out of God's discipline and grace, teach- 
ing him to flee from discussion and contention about minute 
rules, and things indifferent, and pets of private opinion. 



216 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

as the very bane or gangrene of a vital, vigorous, com- 
prehensive piety. 

In that church of God at Amsterdam, there were some 
unreasonable, if not wicked men, given to oppositions of 
self-will and vain janglings about mint, anise, and cum- 
min, how many ribbons a woman should wear upon her- 
bonnet, and other like things ; and among these self-opi- 
nionated men were the father and brother of the Pastor 
himself, Mr. Johnson, arrayed against his own vCife, for 
what they judged to be her pride in apparel. These men 
carried their opposition and bitterness to such unreasonable 
and endless length, with such evil accompaniments as 
would naturally grow out of such a spirit of incessant 
strife, that the church, after long patience towards them, 
and much pains taken with them, proceeded at last to ex- 
communicate them ; probably as the only possible means 
of getting rid of the evil, and avoiding utter ruin ; for 
Governor Bradford says that such was the justice of 
the excommunication, that the Pastor himself could not 
but consent thereto, although for that he was much blamed, 
as having excommunicated his own father and brother. 
And indeed it was a case of difficulty that would have put 
Paul himself in a perplexity ; although, from the manifest 
indignation of the Apostle against such a spirit of Dio- 
trephesianism in the church, and of meddling and husij- 
bodiness in other men's matters, and obstinacy and strife, 
and insolent judgment of others' opinions, we may be quite 
clear Jiow he would have acted. But this flame of strife, 
together with the subtilty of one of the elders of the 
church, produced most painful and injurious consequences. 

And yet Governor Bradford says that the wife of the 
Pastor, against whom all this wrath of censoriousness and 
self-opinion was directed, was a most excellent and grave 
matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all her 
demeanor, ready to any good works in her place, and help- 
ful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS." 217 

Pastor's calling. She was a young widow when he mar- 
ried her, having been the wife of a merchant, so that he 
received by her a good estate, besides that she was truly a 
godly woman ; but because she continued to wear such 
apparel as she had ever been used to, these meddlers and 
men of strife broke out against her. And yet Mr. Brad- 
ford tells us that her apparel was neither excessive nor 
immodest, and that their chiefest exceptions were against 
her wearing corked shoes for her feet, and whalebone in 
the bodice and sleeves of her gown, and other such like 
things as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. But 
not only so, but both the Pastor and his wife were willing, 
for the sake of avoiding offence, to reform the fashions of 
their garments, so far as they could without spoiling of 
them ; yet all would not content the offended and opposing 
ones, "except they came full up to their size." Such was 
the excessive rigidness of some in those times ; of which 
Robinson and his church seem to have taken good caution, 
by seeing the dreadful evils resulting from such a course in 
the church of God. 

The violence of some men's tempers, says Mr. Hubbard 
quaintly and truly, in his History of New England, while 
dwelling on some such occasion, — the violence of some 
men's tempers makes them raise debates, when debates do 
notjustlyoffer themselves, and like mill-stones they grind one 
another, when they want other grist. In some of the churches 
of the New England colonies there were from time to time 
such men, as also there were here and there very needless 
causes of disputation and legislation on things indifferent, 
as concerning the duty of women to wear veils ; but the 
church at Plymouth was remarkably free from this dis- 
putatious and uncharitable spirit ; they had a disposition 
and character of forbearance and freedom to be attributed 
to God's peculiar discipline with them, and to the experience 
and instruction of their beloved Pastor. Take, however, 
all the instances of sectarian or oppressive legislation or 

10 



'218 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

usage in the whole history of the New England churches 
iVom their foundation, and there can be found nothing to 
compare with the inquisitorial minuteness and tyrannical 
severity with which the Church of England legislated on 
men's garments, sports, and manners, enforcing her rubrics 
on pain of imprisonment and death. All the fabled Blue 
Laws of Connecticut, though their falsehoods were en- 
larged into volumes, would be nothing in absurdity and 
cruelty compared with the actual laws which filled the 
statute books of the Establishment, and set an example to 
the Pilgrims of Plymouth, and the other colonists, which it 
is wonderful they had the wisdom and the piety so wholly 
to avoid. The examples before them were all of intole- 
rance and oppression ; the model, which was original with 
litem, which they themselves struck out and gradually 
brought to perfection, that of freedom, forbearance, kind- 
ness, and good sense. They put the weightier matters of 
the law uppermost, love, mercy, and faith, and gave to the 
mint, anise, and cummin a subordinate and just position. 



CHAPTER XII. 



THE LIFE, CHARACTER, AND ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR 
BRADFORD. 

Governor Bradford deserves, as he possesses, a memorial 
of the deepest veneration and love, in the hearts of all who 
know his character. The colony at Plymouth, perhaps, 
owed more of its prosperity to him, under God, than to any 
other one man or many friends, either there or in England. 
His character was not unlike that of Washington ; nay, 
there is a very striking resemblance. He was placed in 
emergencies and perils, as the leader of the colony, very 
similar in kind, though different in form and circumstance, 
to some of those through which Washington passed with 
such consummate prudence ; with equal self-possession and 
prudence, with a piety relying solely upon God, did Brad- 
ford guide the ship of the infant colony through the 
breakers. He was a man whose natural stamp of charac- 
ter was very much like Franklin's ; but in him a calm and 
noble nature was early renewed and enriched by giace, 
and brought under its supreme dominion ; not left to attach 
itself to earth only, or to exhibit the qualities of a sage in 
the wisdom of mere mortal humanity. 

He was born, according to Cotton Mather, in an obscure 
village called Austerfield, in England, in the year 1588 ; a 



220 HISTORICAL AiS'D LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 



^ 



place where the people were ignorant, licentious, and quite 
unacquainted with the Bible, as any man will see reason to 
believe, who reads John Foster's description of popular 
ignorance in England under the reign of Elizabeth, He 
inherited a comfortable patrimony, but his parents died in 
his childhood, and left him to be educated by his grand 
parents and uncles, simply in the affairs of husbandry. In 
after years he regarded it as a blessing of God's Providence 
that early and long continued sickness preserved him from 
the vanities, and perhaps excesses of the period of youthful 
temptation, amidst so many vicious and depraved examples. 

It was probably the confinement of his illness that led 
him to the perusal of the Scriptures, for at the age of 
twelve years his mind began to be much impressed with 
the reading of them, and prepared for the rich evangelical 
instructions he was afterwards to enjoy. In the neighbor- 
hood of his native inheritance, or not far from it, a man of 
true piety and acquaintance with God's word exercised 
his ministry, an illuminating ministry, as it is called by Cotton 
Mather, with much fruit of his labors in the conversion of 
many to God. We are not told whether he had a curacy or 
preferment of S.ny kind in the Church of England, but as 
Yorkshire was one of the counties in which the Churches 
of the Puritans began earliest to be gathered, and in which 
the persecution against them under Queen Elizabeth raged 
most fiercely, we suppose, from the character given of his 
ministry, that he must have been, at the time of Bradford's 
first acquaintance with him, one of the non-conforming 
ministers scourged out of office. He was one of the earliest 
members of the Pilgrim Church at its gathering in 1602, 
and at the time of their exile into Holland, Mr. Bradford 
describes him as a grave, fatherly, reverend old man and 
faithful preacher, with a great white beard. 

It was about 1600 that Bradford, with his youthful 
heart fresh under the simple and deep impressions received 
f)-om God's Word, came to the enjoyment of Mr. Clifton's 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 221 

teachings. Very much hke Richai'd Baxter in the period 
of his earUest rehgious anxieties, he was much aided by 
the conversation of a young person, then apparently a true 
Christian, but afterwards an apostate, who introduced him 
to the company of others of similar views and feelings with 
his own. And now he began to be scoffed at by his 
neighbors and uncles as a Puritan, but nothing could 
divert him from his course, or interrupt the progress of the 
work of God's Spirit within him. Like Christian in his 
first awakening in the City of Destruction, he was too 
deeply anxious, saw too clearly the worth, the guilt, and 
the ruin of his soul, to be turned aside by the jeering of the 
idle and profane, even though they were of his own house- 
hold. And very soon, by the unchristian nature of the 
persecutions raging around him, he and his fellow-disciples 
of Christ, after sundry years of patient endurance of trial, 
were led to see by the light of God's Word that the cere- 
monies imposed upon them were, in such penal imposition, 
unlawful, and that the tyrannous power of the prelates 
ought not to be submitted to, being contrary to the freedom 
of the gospel compulsorily burdening men's consciences 
with a profane mixture of persons and things in God's 
worship. By reading, by discourse, and prayer, they were 
led to question whether they ought not to form a separate 
church and society of the faithful, who should keep close 
to the written Word of God as the rule of their worship. 
They were at length brought to the determination that 
they both might and ought thus enter into a voluntary 
church covenant with Christ and with one another, to 
walk in his ways, whatever it might cost them. And thus 
was the Pilgrim Church gathered from the counties of 
York, Lincoln, and Nottingham. 

Bradford himself passed through many distresses of mind 
as to his own duty, but at length, in God's mercy, saw it 
very clearly, and engaged in it without the least hesitation. 
" He took up," says Cotton Mather, " a very deliberate and 



"fLfZ HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

understanding resolution," which he cheerfully prosecuted, 
although the rasje of his friends and relatives tried all 
imaginable ways to reclaim him from his madness. Some 
lamented him, some derided him, all dissuaded him; but 
he was no Pliable to be turned back by the Slough, either 
of importunity or persecution, and the more they vexed 
him, the more fervent grew his purpose, and the more 
earnestly and resolutely he persevered. He answered 
their arguments and reproaches thus : " Were I like to 
endanger my life, or consume my estate by any ungodly 
courses, your counsels to me were very seasonable ; but 
you know that I have been diligent and provident in my 
calling, and not only desirous to augment what I have, but 
also to enjoy it in your company ; to part from which will 
be as great an evil as can befall me. Nevertheless, to 
keep a good conscience, and walk in such a way as God 
has prescribed in his word, is a thing which I must prefer 
before you all, and above life itself. Wherefore, since it is 
for a good cause that I am like to suffer the disasters which 
you lay before me, you have no cause to be either angry 
with me or sorry for me. Yea, T am not only willing to 
part with everything that is dear to me in this world for 
this cause, but I am also thankful that God has given me a 
heart so to do, and will accept me so to suffer for him." 

From 1602 to 1606 Bradford remained with the church, 
a partaker of their afflictions in the gospel, which, towards 
the end of that period, were many and grievous to be borne. 
After their division into two congregations the Pilgrim 
church contrived to elude the malice of their persecutors, 
by meetings appointed from one place to another, as they 
could, so that for about a year they succeeded in maintain- 
ing worship every Sabbath. But this could not last, and 
at length, by joint consent, they resolved to flee into Hol- 
land. But even this short passage they did not accomplish 
without the extremest difficulty and hardship, encountering 
pillage, prisons, and almost death in the way. All the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 223 

ports and havens in England were shut upon them, so that 
they were forced to escape secretly, by bribing the sailors, 
and likewise paying extravagant sums for conveyance. 

The first attempt made by Bradford was in company 
with a large number of the church, who hired a ship at 
Boston wholly for themselves, and engaged the master to 
take them at a particular day. After long waiting and 
large expenses, the mercenary wretch, having laid a ])lot 
on shore to betray them, came by night and got them with 
their goods on board, and then gave them up to the inso- 
lence of the catchpole officers, who cast them into open 
boats, rifled them of their money, books, and goods, hurried 
them back with much indecency, both men and women, 
amidst a crowd of gazers and scoffers, into the town, and 
there threw them all into prison. Seven of them, among 
whom was Elder Brewster, were kept imprisoned and 
bound over to the assizes, but the greater part were 
released, and sent back to their native villages in the space 
of about a month. 

Bradford was now eighteen years of age, elastic, and 
full of the courage and hope of youth amidst all these diffi- 
culties. The next spring, in 1608, they made another 
attempt, and hired a Dutchman at Hull to take them over; 
but on the appointed day, by the time a single boat-load of 
the men had been got on board (the bark being grounded, 
and so delayed, in which the women and children were 
placed, with the goods to be conveyed to the ship), the 
whole country was out in pursuit of them, horse and foot, 
as against a foreign invasion. When the Dutch captain 
saw that, he swore his country's oath, weighed anchor and 
made sail instantly, without any regard to the distress of 
the poor men thus separated from their wives and children, 
or of the poor women and children thus left unprotected 
on the shore. Meantime a tremendous storm arose of 
fourteen days' endurance, in which they were driven even 
to the coast of Norway ; neither sun, moon, nor stars were 



224 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

visible for seven days ; but at length, by the mercy of God, 
after imminent peril of foundering, they reached port in 
safety. There also the women and children whom they 
had left behind them, after being driven about from one 
constable to another, in endurance of much distress and 
suffering, were at length permitted to join them ; and the 
rest of their brethren, after great storms of opposition, and 
"notable passages of trouble in wanderings and travels by 
sea and by land, got over at last, some at one time and 
some at another, and met together again with no small 
rejoicing." 

But here they were, in the midst of a strange city, at 
Amsterdam, unacquainted at first with the trades and 
traffic by which the country doth subsist, having been used 
only to "a plain country life, and the innocent trade of 
husbandry." Their perplexities and trials must have been 
very great. Bradford betook himself at once to learning 
the art of workinsr or dveing in silks. Then at the end of 
two years, so soon as his age permitted him to do it, when 
the church had removed to Leyden, he converted his 
estate in England into ready money and set up for himself. 
But in his business he met with disappointments and losses, 
which he received as God's checks and chastisements, 
because he had, in the midst of worldly cares, "suffered 
his inward piety to fall into certain decays ;" the consump- 
tion of his estate. Cotton Mather tells, he thought came to 
prevent a consumption in his virtue. 

When the Pilgrim Church was translated fi'om Leyden 
to Plymouth, Bradford was 32 years of age. Both with 
his estate, what there was of it remaining, and his personal 
activity, he must have been of the most invaluable service 
amidst all the business, harassments, and difficulties of their 
preparation for the voyage. He had been married in Eng- 
land, and had at least one child living. Notwithstanding 
the sickness and disadvantages of his childhood, and the 
various changes, interruptions, and adventures of his life, 



OP PRINCIPLKS, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 225 

he had acquired an excellent education, especially in the 
languages. He was master of the Dutch tongue, almost as 
his vernacular dialect ; the French was familiar to him ; 
the Latin and Greek he had learned thoroughly ; but above 
all he most diligently studied the Hebrew, because, as he 
said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of 
God in their native beauty. He had mingled much with 
men of various classes, habits, opinions, and pursuits, and 
had learned to bear with the prejudices of his neighbors, 
and to avoid the spirit of obstinacy and intolerance, es- 
pecially in indifferent things, while yet he held firmly, 
without the least abatement, to the truth. His experience 
in Amsterdam and Leyden, as well as the admirable in- 
structions and example of his Pastor, had taught him much 
heavenly wisdom, and he could discern and note the evil 
tendencies and extremes, not only of intolerant superstition 
and formalism in the' church party, but of unnecessary and 
uncharitable rigidness in his own. 

He gives a curious illustration of the manners and pre- 
judices of his own times and native region in England, 
He says he was in the company of a godly man who had 
been long time a prisoner at Norwich for Christ's sake, but 
was set at liberty by Judge Cooke. After going into the 
country and visiting his friends, this man was returning to 
pass over into the Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, 
and there desired Mr. Bradford and some others to go with 
him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who had 
been very kind and helpful to him in his sufferings. The 
eyes of the good woman were dim and almost blind with 
age, but she knew the voice of her friend, and made him 
very welcome, and those who were with him. After some 
time of their entertainment, when they were ready to de- 
part, she came to her old guest, and felt of his band at the 
neck-cloth, and perceiving it was something stiffened with 
starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him very 

sharply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Poor 

10* 



226 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

woman, the starch was more in her heart than in the man's 
neck-cloth, and she herself was all unconsciously in that 
particular, under the rueful influence of the mint and anise 
system of the Pharisees. For the man was a plain coun- 
tryman, clad in grey russet, without either welt or guard, 
as the proverb is, and the band he wore was scarce worth 
three pence, and what is more, it was made of his wife's 
own home-spinning; and he was as godly and humble 
as he was plain. Governor Bradford, in relating this story, 
shows very clearly what he thought of this good lady's un- 
reasonable strictness, and he asks, what would such profes- 
sors, if they were now living, say to the excess of our 
times ? 

At the age of thirty-two, with a ripeness of experience, 
a vigor of judgment, a strength and energy of purpose, and 
at the same time a mildness, charitableness, and patience of 
temper, which fitted him for a foremost part in the great 
enterprise of the Pilgrims, Mr. Bradford embarked with 
them, and gave himself and his means unsparingly to all 
the labors of the undertakinfr. The humilitv, the forbear- 
ance, the entire absence of all disposition to rule, which 
marked the characters of these men, is wonderful. Carver 
was chosen their first Governor, but God had been prepar- 
ing for them a permanent leader and councillor, in Brad- 
ford, when the object of their first choice was so early and 
suddenly taken away. He had all the qualities which 
fitted him to command, while he seemed iiut to follow. 
Cotton Mather remarks most truly that if he had not been 
a person of more than ordinary wisdom, courage, and piety, 
he must have sunk under the difficulties of the first year of 
the colony. It is interesting and instructive minutely to 
trace his steps as they are recorded first in the journal of 
the Pilgrims, and afterwards in the accurate annals of 
Prince. You are tracing the biography of an unassuming, 
unconscious Christian hero. 

With the Pilgrims in Holland, and indeed with all their 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 227 

unfoldings of character and enterprise, until they are set 
down in the untrodden wilds of their empire of industry 
and piety, in the New World, Governor Bradford is rather 
connected by his own history of the Church, than by any 
prominent events in which he himself was foremost. 
There are passages in his history where he writes evidently 
as an eyewitness, and we think of him as present and 
taking a part, but not because he is named. The embarka- 
tion of the Pilgrims at Delft Haven is linked with the 
remembrance both of Bradford and Winslow, because they 
have each described it in such simple, unaffected language, 
with the feelings of the heart. They wer« both marked 
personages in that scene " of interest unparalleled, that 
scene of few and simple incidents, just the setting out of a 
handful of not then very famous persons, on a voyage ; 
but which, as we gaze on it, begins to speak to you as with 
the voices and melodies of an immortal hymn, which dilates 
and becomes idealized into the auspicious going forth of a 
colony, whose planting has changed the hfstory of the 
world ; — a noble colony of devout Christians, educated, 
firm men, valiant soldiers, and honorable women; a colony, 
on the commencement of whose heroic enterprise the 
selectest influences of religion seemed to be descending 
visibly ; and beyond whose perilous path are hung the 
rainbow and the western star of empire." * 

From the time when Governor Bradford enters upon his 
administration of the atfairs of the colony, year after year 
its history is his. He was in an eminent degree the moving 
and guiding genius of the enterprise. His conduct towards 
the Indians was marked with such wisdom, energy, and 
kindness, that he soon gained a powerful influence over 
them. With the people of the colony, not merely his first 
fellow-pilgrims, but all that came successively afterwards, 
he had equal authority and power, without the necessity of 
assuming it. The most heedless among them seem to have 
* Hou. Rufm Choate'3 New England Societj Address. 



228 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

feared and respected liim. He set them all at work, and 
would have none idle in the community, being resolved 
that if any would not work, neither should they eat. Cotton 
Mather gives an account of a company of young fellows 
newly arrived, who were very unwilling to comply with 
iiis orders, or rather with the arrangements of the Colony, 
lor working in the fields on the public account. But on 
Christmas Day they excused themselves from the labors of 
the public industry, under pretence that it was against their 
conscience to do any work on that day. The Governor 
told them if that were the case, he would spare them till 
they were better informed ; but soon afterwards he found 
them all at play in the street, hard at work upon their 
diversions, as if in obedience to the Book of Sports. That 
being the case, he very quietly took away the instruments 
of their games, and gave them to understand that he had a 
conscience as well as they, and that it was against his 
conscience as the Governor that they should play while the 
others were at work ; so that, if they had any devotion to 
the day, they should show it at home, in the exercise of 
religion, and not in the street, with their pastime and 
iVolics. The reproof was as efl'ectual as it was happy, and 
the Governor was plagued with no more such tender con- 
sciences.* 

His administration of affairs as connected with the Mer- 
chant Adventurers, was a model of firmness, patience, 
forbearance, energy, and enterprise. With a few others, 
as we have seen, he took the whole trade of the Colony 
into his hands, with the assumed responsibility of paying 
off all their debts, and the benevolent determination to 
bring over the rest of their brethren from Leyden. His 
activity in the prosecution of this great undertaking was 
indefatigable. Meanwhile, no other business, either of the 
piety or civil polity of the Colony, was neglected. He 
made such arrangements, in conjunction with his brethren, 

* Mather's Magnalia, Vol. i. 103. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 229 

to redeem their labor from the hopelessness of its condi- 
tions in the Adventuring copartnership under which they 
"were bound for the seven years' contract with the Mer- 
chants, as inspired them all speedily with new life and 
courage. Under the pressure of the famine his example 
was as a starof hope, for he never yielded to despondency; 
and while with Brewster he threw them upon God for 
support and provision, he set in motion every possible 
instrumentality for procuring supplies. He went in person 
with parties among the Indians for corn, and took part 
himself in every labor. There was a time amidst the 
sharpest pressure of the famine, when they had but one 
boat for their fishing expeditions, and were compelled to 
divide their little force into several companies, to go out 
and fish by turns, with absence of five or six days together, 
rather than return emj)ty handed, the others meanwhile 
employing themselves in digging for shellfish. This was 
the time when for months together they had neither bread 
nor corn, and knew not, when they lay down at night, 
where they should find a morsel of food for the morrow, 
nor in the morning where they should provide for the day. 
This was the time when Mr. Winslow says that at noon- 
day he had seen men stagger at their work, by reason of 
faintness for want of food. Yet was the temper of the 
Colony characterized by " cheerfulness and rest on Provi- 
dence," and in no little measure because of the serenity 
and patience of their leader. It was a period that de- 
manded the highest qualities of a commander in unwearied 
exercise. 

So it was when the colony was surrounded with con- 
spiracies, and nourished them at one time, by the treachery 
of men in England, even in its own bosom. The prudence, 
sagacity, and energy of Governor Bradford on such occa- 
sions may be seen in the chapter detailing the treachery of 
Lyford. The fearless deportment of the Governor and 
the Colony towards the threatening tribes of Indiaws was 



230 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

no small cause of their security ; "we all the while," says 
Mr. Winslow, " knowing our own weakness, notwithstand- 
ing our high words and lofty looks towards them." It 
seemed a time of mortal peril, when Canonicus, the Sachem 
of the Narragansetts, sent to the Governor his savage defi- 
ance and declaration of war, a bundle of new arrows 
lapped in the skin of a rattlesnake. Having learned the 
meaning of this from the friendly Squanto, " the Governor^ 
after some deliberation," says Mr. Winslow, "stuffed the 
skin with powder and shot" and sent it back to Canonicus 
with the message that if he had shipping in the harbor to 
send his men at once to the Narragansetts they should have 
no need to come to Plymouth, and come when they might, 
they should neither be unwelcome nor unlooked for. The 
message was sent by an Indian, and was delivered in such 
sort that it struck no small terror into the savage king ; in- 
somuch that he dared not even touch the powder and shot, 
nor would suffer it to stay in his house or country. "Where- 
upon the messenger refusing it, another took it up; and 
having been posted from place to place a long time, at 
length it came whole back again."* 

In the spiritual prosperity of the Colony, Governor 
Bradford took an incessant and most anxious interest, 
possessing in himself, in no small degree, the wisdom and 
temper of his beloved Pastor Robinson. Under him and 
Brewster the Plymouth Church maintained their superiori- 
ty in the liberality and independence of their views above 
all the other colonies. The answer which the Governor 
made to their slanderers in England, in regard to their 
church policy and customs, breathed the very spirit of 
scriptural wisdom and freedom so remarkable in the part- 
ing discourse of Robinson to the Pilgrims. " Whereas 
you would tie us up to the French discipline in every cir- 
cumstance, you derogate from the liberty we have in 
Christ Jesus. The apostle Paul would have none to follow 
* VVinslow's Relation ia Young's Chronicles, 2S3. 



OP PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 231 

him in anything but wherein he follows Christ ; much less 
ought any Christian or church in the world to do it. The 
French may err, we may err, other churches may err, and 
doubtless do in many circumstances. That honor there- 
fore belongs only to the infallible word of God, and pure 
Testament of Christ, to be propounded and followed as 
the only rule and pattern for direction herein to all churches 
and Christians. And it is too great arrogancy for any man 
or church to think that he or they have so sounded the 
Word of God unto the bottom, as precisely to set down 
the church's discipline without error in substance or cir- 
cumstance, that no other without blame may digress or 
differ in anything from the same. And it is not difficult to 
show that the Reformed churches differ in many circum- 
stances among themselves." * 

Cotton Mather remarks that Governor Bradford was 
well skilled in History, Antiquity, Philosophy, and Theolo- 
gy ; and indeed his works bear witness to this, especially 
that admirable Dialogue on Church Policy and freedom, 
which was copied by Secretary Morton into the Records 
of the Church at Plymouth, and at length printed by Dr. 
Young in his valuable Chronicles of the Pilgrims. In that, 
as in the interesting Memoir of Elder Brewster, and other 
pieces, the author shows command of a natural, excellent, 
Saxon style, a fine, free, unprejudiced habit of thought, a 
benevolent heart, good sense, and deep Christian feeling. 
His habits of study must have been something remarkable, 
amidst all his cares and public responsibilities. We owe 
an inestimable benefit to his piety, his fine mind, and his 
public spirit, with his love of truth, for preserving and re- 
cording so much of the early history of the Pilgrims and 
the Colony, that otherwise must have been almost wholly 
lost. The greater part even of his own original writings 
are gone from existence, though most providentially not 
till they had been gleaned from, abridged, or copied, in a 
* Mather's Magnolia, vol. i. 104, 



333 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

great degree, in the writings of others, who had access to 
his manuscripts. He was a man of indefatigable industry, 
and of great method and accuracy. The loss of his Let- 
ter Book, from which some extracts will be given in ano- 
ther chapter, and which must have been a copy of the 
man himself, as well as of the business of the Colony and 
the correspondence of others, must ever be greatly de- 
plored. 

Sixty years after the arrival of the May Flower in New 
England, with the members of the infant colony, there were 
still left living twelve persons, who came over in that 
memorable bark. Twelve grains of that precious seed 
corn, not yet put into the ground for the resurrection by 
the Lord of the harvest ! The number is remarkable, 
when it is considered that in the very first perilous year of 
the enterprise, no less than half died out of the one hundred 
first Pilgrims. At the close of these sixty years, in 1680, 
Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of the Colony Court, and 
then 68 years of age, set himself to the work of recording 
" the first beginning and after progress of the Church of 
Christ, at Plymouth, in New England." Eleven j^ears 
before, in 1669, he had published a history of the Colony 
entitled New England's Memorial, taken from a manu- 
script history by Governor Bradford, which the Governor 
began to write as early as the year 1630. Gov. Bradford 
died in 1657, and his work, in 270 folio pages, having 
never been published, though preserved up to the time of 
the Revolutionary War, was then lost. Secretary Morton 
had this work before him, in preparing the history which 
he published in 1680, and Dr. Young thinks, from the com- 
parison of different extracts, as well as from the note by 
Morton, stating the matter before him to have been ori- 
ginally penned by Bradford, that in the main it is Brad- 
ford's veritable unpublished history. 

This whole work of Governor Bradford, Mr. Prince had 
before him in preparing and publishing his Chronological 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 233 

History of New England, up to the year 1730. He 
describes it as "Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth 
People and Colony from 1G02 to the end of 1646, in 270 
pages (folio) . With some account at the end, of the in- 
crease of those who came over with him, from 1620 to 
1650, and all in his own handwriting." 

The second work in manuscript, which Mr. Prince 
mentions as before him, is The Ancient Church of Ply- 
mouth Records, begun by Mr. Secretary Morton. 

The third is a copy of the Grand Charter of New Eng- 
land, granted by King James the First, on Nov. 3d, 1620, 
in 80 pages. 

The first book of Mr. Prince's Chronological History 
ends with the Lord's Day, Dec. 31, 1620, the first Sabbath 
kept by any of the Pilgrims in the place of their building. 
Here Mr. Prince says, " Governor Bradford ends his first 
book, containing ten chapters, in fifty- three pages, folio." 

Of Mr. Morton's history from the beginning of the Ply- 
mouth people to the end of 1646, Mr. Prince observes that 
it was " chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated." 

Having been thus used by various writers, for their 
printed works, we may suppose that though the original 
work is lost, we have the main important part of it, and 
much in Gov. Bradford's own language. 

Both Governor Bradford and Governor Winthroj), and 
likewise Governor Winslow, were accustomed to take part 
in the religious exercises of their social meetings, and also on 
the Lord's Day. This appears by such interesting notices 
as the following, taken from Gov. Winthrop's own Journal, 
of date October 25, 1632. "The Governor, with Mr. 
Wilson, pastor of Boston, .... and others went on foot to 
Plymouth from Massagascus. The Governor of Plymouth, 
Mr. William Bradford, a very discreet, grave man, with 
Mr. Brewster the Elder, and some others, came forth and 
met them without the town, and conducted them to the 
Governor's house, where they were kindly entertained, and 



284 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLrSTRATIONS 

feasted every day at several houses. On the Lord's Day 
there was a sacrament which they did partake in ; and in 
the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams, according to their customj 
propounded a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke 
briefly, then Mr. Williams prophesied, and afterwards the 
Governor of Plymouth spoke to the question ; after him 
the elder, then some two or three more of the congregation. 
Then the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and 
Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was 
ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in 
mind of their duty of contribution, upon which the Gover- 
nor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat, and 
put into the bag, and then returned."* 

The deacon's seat was a throne of service, and well 
known. All the members of the congregation went thither 
to deposit their alms. It was a custom retained in some 
churches for many years. 

We find likewise the following interesting record in 
Gov. Winthrop's Journal, under date of April 3d, 1634. 
" The Governor went on foot to Agawam, and because 
the people there wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with 
them, and exercised by way of prophecy, and returned 
home on the tenth." 

How beautiful the record of this truly primitive New 
Testament simplicity ! We wonder not that Governor 
Bradford looked back in his old age with a sweetness in 
the memory as of the recollections of childhood, to those 
times of the freshness and power of Christ's covenant with 
the churches in the wilderness. Religion must have 
flourished indeed, when public men like Bradford, Win- 
throp, and Winslow, were thus active and faithful in its 
teachings and duties. Yet it was for just this faithfulness, 
for daring to " exercise by way of prophecy, when the 



* Collections Mass. Hist. Sec. Vol. x. p. 2. Winthrop's Journal, origi- 
nal edition, page 44. 



OF PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 235 

people wanted a minister," that Winslow himself was 
afterwards thrown into prison by Archbishop Laud ! 

Governor Bradford managed the affairs of the colony 
for nearly thirty-seven years together, with admirable 
temper and wisdom. Until the year 1624 Gov. Bradford 
and Mr, Allerton were elected governor and assistant an- 
nually ; the people then added four more assistants, and 
gave the governor a double voice ; they added two more 
assistants in 1633, and afterwards kept to the number of 
seven. In the space of seventy years they had only six 
persons as governors. Bradford, Winslow, and Prince oc- 
cupied the governorship in succession till Prince's death in 
1673. Bradford was elected annually from 1621 till his 
death in 1657, except three years in which Winslow was 
chosen, and two (according to Mather) in which Prince 
was chosen. Winslow was chosen in 1633, 1636, and 
1644.* They had no house of representatives till 1639. 

In the year 1632, it was enacted by law, that any person 
chosen to the office of Governor and refusing it, was to be 
fined twenty pounds ; a counsellor or magistrate chosen 
and refusing the office, was to be fined ten pounds.f 

In the year 1633 we find a record in Governor Win- 
throp's Journal as follows : " Mr. Edward Winslow chosen 
Governor of Plymouth, Mr. Bradford having been Go- 
vernor about ten years, and now by importunity got off." 
He pleaded so hard to be let off for that year, that they 
yielded without fining him. 

What a picture is here presented of the unworldly sim- 
plicity, contentment, disinterestedness, and freedom from 
ambition, of our Pilgrim Fathers ! They shared each 
other's burdens too completely to seek or desire superiority 
in any other way. They sought not for office, had no par- 
ties, wished for no power, but that of doing good. It was 



* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. ii. pp. 414, 415. 
t Baylies' Historical Memoirs of Plymouth, p. 207. 



236 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

not till prosperity had relaxed their vigilance, and men of 
worldly minds had been added to their company, that par- 
ties began to exist among them. Their Church Covenant 
was of great solemnity and power with them, " of the vio- 
lation whereof," said Robinson, "we make great conse- 
quence, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly 
tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by 
each, and that mutual." 

O sacred bond ! exclaimed Governor Bradford, writing 
in his old age, " Oh that these ancient members had not 
died or been dissipated, if it had been the will of God ; or 
else that this holy care and constant faithfulness had still lived 
and remained with those that survived, that were in times 
afterwards added unto them." He laments the subtlety 
of the serpent, under fair pretences of necessity and the 
like, " to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were 
insensibly by degrees, to dissolve, or in a great measure to 
weaken the same. I have been happy in my first tim&s to 
see, and with much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of 
this sweet communion. But it is now a part of my misery 
in my old age to find and feel the decay and want thereof 
in a great measure, and with grief and sorrow of heart to 
lament and bewail the same." And this, he says, he notes 
for others' warning and admonition, and his own hu- 
miliation. 

It seems to be the declension or decay of pious feeling 
which Governor Bradford is here lamenting, and the want 
of the early first fervent love of the brethren, one to another, 
amidst their trials and distresses. He is not here deploring 
the readiness of the brethren to exercise their gifts by way 
of prophesying, a complaint afterwards brought against 
them, nor do we find anything in Governor Bradford's 
writings which tends to such an accusation. In his dialogue 
on this and similar subjects, he sets forth Mr. Robinson's 
opinion, as also Mr. Cotton's, concerning this exercise of 
gifts in prophesying, of which Mr. Bradford himself says, 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 237 

" if any out of weakness have abused at any time their 
liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak 
ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and 
lawful." 

Robinson was of opinion that, "it comes within the pro- 
vince of but few of a multitude, haply two or three in a church, 
to prophesy pubhcly ; and touching prophecy, we think, 
in all churches, whether but springing up or grown to some 
ripeness, let the order of prophecy be observed according 
to Paul's institution. Into the fellowship of this work are 
to be admitted, not only the ministers, but the teachers too, 
yea, also of the elders and deacons, yea, even of the 
multitude, which are willing to confer their gift received 
of God to- the common utility of the church ; but so as 
they first be allowed by the judgment of the ministers and 
others." 

Now, if these opinions and rules, which Robinson adopts 
from the Synod of Embden in 1571, were observed by the 
Plymouth Church in Governor Bradford's time, it is rather 
difficult to see how there can be much truth in the report 
which Cotton Mather admits into the Magnalia, that about 
the time of Bradford's death "religion itself had like to have 
died out of the colony, through the strange disposition to 
discountenance the gospel ministry, by setting up the gifts 
of private brethren in opposition thereunto." There must 
be great exaggeration in this report, or we should have 
learned something of it from Governor Bradfoi'd himself. 
Cotton Mather says that the good people were in extreme 
distress from the prospect which this matter gave them, 
and cured the evil by the election of Mr. Prince to the 
place of Governor, from which time the adverse party sank 
into confusion. But nothing of this seems to have troubled 
the serene and prosperous course of the closing years of 
Gov. Bradford's life. 

It is truly and beautifully said by Cotton Mather, that 
the crown of all excellences in this admirable man was 



238 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

his holy, prayerful, watchful, and fruitful walk with God. 
His death was just such, in heavenly joy and triumph, as 
his life of grace, hid with Christ in God, had predicted. 
He had been declining through the winter of 1657, yet not 
in what he counted sickness, until just three days before 
God took him to his everlasting rest. The first of those 
days the Angel of the Covenant seemed to give him warn- 
ing that his hour was near; and that night, "the God of 
Heaven so filled his mind with ineffable consolations, that 
he seemed little short of Paul, wrapt up into the unutter- 
able entertainments of Paradise." His joy must have been 
great, yea, ravishing, for he said to his dear friends in the 
morning, that the good Spirit of the Lord had given him a 
pledge of his happiness in another world, and the first fruits 
of his eternal glory. That night's blissful experience 
alone was to him worth all the years of toil and pain he had 
endured in the great work his Lord had permitted him to 
accomplish. For, what were all the days and nights, the 
weeks and months of cold and hunger, of peril, anxiety, 
pain, and famine, passed through in the early years of that 
great service, compared with the celestial revelations and 
assurances of that one night ! He died, May 9, 1G57, in the 
69th year of his age. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



THE FIRST NKW ENGLAND SABBATil. 

From the highest point amidst the scenery that over- 
looks the Rock of our Forefathers' first permanent landing, 
and includes so many points now of the deepest interest, 
we have looked abroad over the Harbor, the Islands, and 
the Sea. By the providence of God these Pilgrims stopped 
at Plymouth. This rock, then washed by the flowing tide, 
and surmounted above by the primitive forest, was their 
first landing place. Their first landing place, indeed, for 
the purpose of a habitation and a grave, upon this rock- 
bound coast, but not the first spot hallowed by the freedom 
and the sacredness of their religious worship. No ! There 
is a spot here, within the sweep of your eye in this beauti- 
ful scene, more sacred than this. As you follow the horizon, 
you see there, towards the north-east, where the land 
breaks the sea* view, and where the central peninsula in 
the harbor almost seems to join the main land on the other 
side, a green and partly wooded island. It seems to you, 
perhaps, to be the continent, but it is an island. It is the 
spot of all places in North or South America to my mind 
the most hallowed. It is the island where the fatigued, 
desolate, almost perishing Pilgrims spent their first Sabbath. 
Yes ! there they stopped and rested the seventh day, and 
hallowed itj because they would not desecrate it, even in 



240 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

seeking rest. O noble commencement of the foundations 
of an enterprise, like wliich the world never saw, nor pro- 
bably will again see, ever! Within half an hour's sail of 
the coast, nay, within ten minutes' sail, if the wind and tide 
favored, of the place where they were to abide all the rest 
of their pilgrimage, they moored at the island, and would 
not again set a sail that day, or take an oar in hand, or do 
aught of worldly work, because it was the Lord's Day. 
And there, upon that desolate island, frost-bound, habita- 
tionless, beneath a snowy sky, or, what was worse, a 
freezing sleet, they dedicated the hours of the Sabbath to 
the worship of God ! There is no spot in all this scene, 
on which the vision rests with so solemn and thrilling an 
interest as that. 

And what a remarkable manifestation of character it was, 
what a proof of supreme regard to God, and belief in his 
word, and obedience to it ! Might they not have reasoned 
that the work of seeking shelter, in which they were then 
engaged, was a work of necessity and mercy, that the sea- 
son of winter was already far advancing, that every day 
was precious, and that one day's delay might be productive 
of great evil ? Might they not have argued that here, 
where none but God beheld them, God who knew their 
hearts, and knew that they were laboring for him, and who 
had said that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man 
for the Sabbath, they might I'elax for once their strictness, 
and continue their course, more especially as there were 
none to be affected by their example? How many a 
descendant of the Pilgrims, under the pressure of a much 
less necessity, has put the claims of conscience beneath 
those of expediency, and made the demands of God's insti- 
tution to wait upon man's convenience ! None to be affected 
by their example? And what one movement or act of 
those Pilgrims, or sentiment, or opinion, or coloring of life, 
that will not exert an influence to the latest generation ? It 
might be said that the guardian genius of the after age was 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 241 

watching them ; and in acting conscientiously and faithfully 
towards God, they acted safely, wisely, righteously towards 
man. They so acted in this matter of keeping the Sabbath, 
that a world might imitate them. That day, kept for God 
on that island, has sent down a blessing for all the posterity 
of the Pilgrims— ;those costly prayers and praises — a pre- 
serving, sustaining influence throughout New England, to 
make the descendants of the Pilgrims a Sabbath-keeping 
people ; and none but a Sabbath-keeping people can be truly 
free. 

There was a time when these men on that desolate 
island, had they stayed in Europe, and attempted to keep 
such a Sabbath in the country of their birth, would perhaps 
have been thrown into prison for not observing the rubrics 
of the Book 'of Sports, for not giving to the service of Satan 
the time which God claimed for his service. This Sabbath 
was the beginning of their perfect freedom from bondage. 
How beautiful the island looks this day, in this warm light, 
beneath an atmosphere of such enchanting clearness, rising 
so green in the mantle of August from the sea ! It was a 
different sight and a different abode to them, in the month 
of December, wet, cold, icy, and shelterless. Yet there 
they stood ; there they praised God ; there arose to heaven 
from New England's soil the first Sabbath hymn of praise 
and the first united prayer of faith, from child-like, patient, 
submissive hearts, from men in resolution and endurance, 
children in faith and obedience. 

Amidst the storm they sang, 

And the stars heard, and the sea! 
And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang 

To the anthem of tlie free ! 

This beautiful painting is not that of mere imagination. 

The place of that first religious meeting on New England 

soil looks now entirely destitute of trees, but the Pilgrims' 

Journal tells us that then this Island was thickly covered 

11 



242 HISTORICAL AISD LOCAL ILLUSTEATIONS 

with woods, as indeed tlie whole shores of Plymouth har- 
bor seem to have been wooded, down to the brink of the 
sea, save where the Indians had made clearings for corn- 
fields. There then, the dim and icicled woods did in- 
deed ring to the anthems of the free ; for they surely had 
a heart to sing as well as pray : and God had brought 
them, in the past day's course, through a great discipline, 
not only of peril and prayers, but of deliverance and thanks- 
giving. Yet they rejoiced with trembling. 

That Island is a very sacred spot. We would put a 
monument there, sooner than on Bunker Hill ; a monu- 
ment to God, to the Sabbath, to the faith of the Pilgrims, 
to the hidden life of social, civil, and religious freedom, of 
which the Sabbath is the safeguard. A monument there, 
where spiritually the first battle was fought, and the first 
victory was gained, on this North Western Continent, 
against the powers of darkness, against spiritual wicked- 
ness, in the high places of earth and of the soul. 

Verily, if we may suppose the Enemy of God and man 
looking on and watching that movement, that Sabbath's 
work, that Sabbath's reverent and submissive stillness, 
and prayer, and praise (and why may we not ? for not 
alone in civilized Europe was the god of this world su- 
preme and busy, but here, from one end of the continent to 
the other, in savage rites he had his worship) ; if we may 
suppose the Enemy of mankind gazing when that island 
was first trodden by the Pilgrim feet, awe-stricken would 
he and his hosts have beheld the solemn employments of 
that day ! It was a most wonderful consecration of all 
New England to God, this religious keeping of the first 
Sabbath day spent upon its shores, amidst such storm, such 
fear, such heart-chilling cold, and frightful desolation. We 
should like to see a granite monument on that island, and 
the words inscribed on it, The First Sabbath of the Pil- 
grims. We say again, a greater battle was fought and 
gained there than that on Bunker Hill, and a foundation of 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 243 

spiritual freedom was laid there, without which that last 
battle for civil liberty never had been fought, nor the 
institutions of freedom in this country established. That 
Sabbath contained the prediction and assurance of success 
to the infant colony. It was God who kept the Pilgrims, 
through their Sabbath-keeping piety. They may sneer 
who please, at the strictness of the Puritan Sabbath. 
Should its spirit die out of our land, there might be Romish 
superstition, and French fickleness and infidelity, and 
American slavery and political corruption remaining, but 
the old-fashioned social, civil, and religious virtue and hap- 
piness of New England would be no more. 

Let us count the first Sabbaths of the Pilgrims up to the 
foundation of their first local Sanctuary for the worship of 
God ; — let us count their weeks by Sabbaths. By the 
dates in their own Journal we learn that it was not till 
Thursday, the ninth of November, 1620, that they made 
land, after their long voyage of sixty-four days from Ply- 
mouth in the old world. This land, fir§t made, was Cape 
Cod. They were purposing to make their course some 
thirty miles south of the Cape, but were constrained bv 
contrary winds to enter Cape Cod Bay, where they 
anchored on Saturday, the eleventh of November, the day 
in which they signed their compact. The next day, Sun- 
day, the twelfth, was spent on board ship. The Sabbath 
of the 19th on board ship in like manner, after the return 
of their first exploring expedition on foot. The Sabbath 
of the 26th passed in like manner on board the May Flow- 
er, after the week's work in repairing the shallop. Monday, 
the 27th, another exploring expedition was undertaken 
with thirty-four men. The next Sabbath, the third of De- 
cember, found the Pilgrim congregation still assembled, 
after this expedition, in their only house and church thus 
far, the ship at anchor. Wednesday, the 6th of Decem- 
ber, they set out on the final exploring enterprise, which 
issued in their landing upon Plymouth Rock. The next 



244 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Sabbath of the 10th, was that spent upon the Island, the 
first upon New England soil, truly the first New England 
Sabbath. 

The next day, Monday, the 11th, they made their first 
landing in Plymouth harbor, and resolved that there was 
the situation where they had best fix their abode, and plant 
the Pilgrim Colony. This Monday, the 1 1th of December, 
Old Style, answers to the 22d of December, New Style, 
and so the 22d is the day celebrated as Forefathers' day. 
It is marked in the Journal of the Pilgrims with only one 
sentence, and with the most complete absence of all con- 
sciousness, or even dreaming imagination, that they had 
then taken the step, and were noting down the date, upon 
which would be concentrated the interest, not merely his- 
torical or curious, but devout and prayerful, of generations 
to come, " So we returned," say they, "to our ship again 
with good news to the rest of our people, which did much 
comfort their hearts." It was perhaps the very next day, 
at any rate the 15th, that the May Flower with the whole 
company of families weighed anchor and set sail for Ply- 
mouth harbor, where they arrived the next day, which was 
Saturday, the 16th. The next day, the Sabbath of the 
17th, seems to have been the last spent on board ship; for 
on Saturda}^ the 23d, which was as soon as the severe 
weather would permit, " as many as could went on shore, 
felled and carried timber," and began to provide themselves 
stuff for building ; and the Sabbath of the 24th, answering 
to our first or second Sabbath in January, was celebrated 
both on shore and in the ship. 

It is interesting, in the highest degree, to a devout mind, 
thus religiously to follow the footsteps of the Pilgrims. "I 
gave them my Sabbaths, to be a sign between me and 
them, that they might know that I am the Lord that 
sanctify them." "Hallow my Sabbaths ; and they shall be 
a sign between me and you, that ye may know that I am 
the Lord your God." If the Sabbaths be spent prayer- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 245 

fully, so will be the week days. The incidental notices of 
devout exercises, morning and evening, in the midst of the 
hurry, peril, fatigue, cold, hunger, and conflict of these 
expeditions, are very striking ; the more so, as occurring 
in a brief sketch, and though only once or twice set down, 
yet noted in such a manner as to indicate a habit, a fixture 
of daily duty. Thus, the journal of one of their most perilous 
days, the day in which the^ had their first conflict with 
the Indians, and afterwards the loss of the mast of their 
shallop with imminent hazard of shipwreck, begins thus : 
" About five o'clock in the morning we began to be stirring. 
After prayer we prepared ourselves for breakfast and for 
a journey, it being now the twilight in the morning." The 
sun was up, in such souls, and God was with them, as 
speedily they found, when the savage war-whoop of their 
enemies, that day for the first time heard, was yelling 
around them, and their arrows flying in the air. " By the 
especial Providence of God," says the journal, in a vivid 
account of their battle, " none of them were hit or hurt." 
" So, after we had given God thanks for our deliverance, 
we took our shallop and went on our journey, and called 
this place The First Encounter." 

In the same devout manner opens the record of the day 
of their final decision to plant themselves where they had 
first landed at Plymouth Rock. "So in the morning, after 
we had called on God for direction, we came to this resolu- 
tion, to go presently ashore again," &c. Never before, in 
the history of the world, were the foundations of an Empire 
so laid. Every step was taken, consulting and im})loring 
the divine guidance. There is no display of this ; we 
have no diary of the soul-exercises of these Pilgrims ; but 
the traces of their heartfelt piety run through this little 
journal like fragrant water-courses. And you see that it 
is a cheerful, grateful piety ; there is no gloom about it, 
even in the midst of the most darkening and discouraging 
calamities. As in the heart of the first conflict with the 



246 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

savages, their watch- word seems continually to be " well, 
well, every one, and be of good courage." They neither 
conceal nor display the great trials they endured, but 
speak of them in calm and simple language, setting a mark 
upon God's kind interpositions, and enduring their greatest 
perils and hardships as things ordinary in so great and dif- 
ficult an enterprise. " And sure it was God's good Provi- 
dence that we found this corn, for else we know not how 
we should have done." So sweetly and confidently did 
they hail the finger of God's loving Providence ; and at 
other limes quietly endured fatigues which were to lay 
them in their graves ere the first New England spring 
should open, making the simple record of one of their fear- 
ful nights without shelter, in these words ; " it blowed and 
did snow all that day and night, and froze withall ; some 
of our people that are dead, took the original of their death 
here." 

Certainly, one great secret of their patient endurance of 
almost unparalleled hardships was the confidence that they 
were bearing them for God. No mere human aim or ex- 
pectation would have carried them through such complica- 
tions of disaster, and sometimes through the seeming utter 
wreck of all their prospects ; because, humanly speaking, 
there was nothing to justify any anticipation of success. 
Their object was not the gain of merchant adventurers ; it 
was the advancement of religion. Whether we put the 
aspect of a missionary enterprise foremost in their under- 
taking, or the enjoyment of God's grace and worship 
freely in their own souls and families, makes little dif- 
ference ; the broadest, truest shape that can be given to 
the Pilgrimage of our Puritan Fathers, the most accurate 
matter of fact description of it, is that of an extraordinary 
enterprise for the advancement of religion. In the little 
volume of the journal we meet again and again with the 
declaration and the proof of this reality. The editor of 
the volume declares in 1621 to the reader that "the desire 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 247 

of carrying the gospel of Christ into these foreign parts, 
amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge 
nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and 
others a quiet and comfortable habitation, were amongst 
other things the inducements unto the undertakers of the 
enterprise." And the compact on board the May Flower 
opens with the assurance and continues for the furtherance, 
of their great undertaking "for the glory of God and 
adimiicement of the Christian Faith, and honor of their 
king and country, to plant the first colony." And the 
schedule of reasons and considerations for their colonizing, 
given at the close of the same volume of the journal in 
1621, reads thus : " seeing we daily pray for the conver- 
sion of the heathens, we must consider whether there be 
not some ordinary means and course for us to take to con- 
vert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to 
God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth 
unto me that we ought also to endeavour and use the means 
to convert them ; and the means cannot be used, unless we 
go to them or they come to us. To us they cannot come ; 
our land is full. To them we may go, their land is 
empty." 

Now to these proofs let there be added Gov. Bradford's 
declaration among the reasons of the Pilgrims for leaving 
the Old World, of " a great hope and inward zeal they had 
of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some 
way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the 
go^spel of the Kingdom of Christ in these remo'te parts of 
the world ; yea, though they should be but as stepping 
stones unto others for performing of so great a work." 

Hutchinson might well say in his History of Massa- 
chusetts, " whether Britain would have had any colonies 
in America, if religion had not been the grand inducement, 
is doubtful." Every attempt to plant settlements in New 
England from ordinary and secular motives had failed. 
God would have one spot in the world peopled from a 



248 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

sense of duty, and a supreme regard, not to pounds and 
shillings, but to his glory. He would have one spot where 
a race should reside, whose I'ear towards God should not 
be taught by the prece])t of man ; that mean, craven, slavish 
tetter of iniquity and bigotry, with which, just then, almost 
the whole world was crusted. 

One of their reasons for breakinc^ out from that crust 
was that they might keep God's Sabbath, not man's, and 
keep it through the fear of God, not by the precept of man, 
either in books of sports or ceremonial rubrics. The 
Sabbath was sadly and generally profaned in Holland, 
while they dwelt, and the inefficacy of all their efforts to 
stop that proianalion, with the pernicious effect of such 
examples upon their children, were strong inducements 
moving them to the determination of a settlement in the 
New World. Mr. Winslow details, among other con- 
siderations impelling them to that step, the painful dis- 
covery " how little good we did, or were like to do, to the 
Dutch in reforming the Sabbath, how unable there to give 
such education to our children as we ourselves had re- 
ceived." With such convictions and such motives, amidst 
all these estrangements from the comforts and privileges of 
their native, and afterwards adopted land, how powerfully 
and sustainingly would some of the promises of God come 
to their case and meet their souls ! " If thou turn away 
the foot from the Sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on 
my Holy Day, and call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy 
of the Lord, honorable ; and shalt honor him, not doing 
thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speak- 
ing thine own words : Then shalt thou delight thyself in 
the Lord ; and I will cause thee to ride upon the high 
places of the earth, and feed thee with the heritage of 
Jacob, thv Father : for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken 
it." 

Surely, they would say, when this promise as a flame of 
tire shone before them, though Abraham be ignorant of us. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PKOVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 249 

and Israel acknowledge us not, yet will God fulfil unto us 
this covenant. " And the sons of the stranger that join 
themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the name 
of the Lord, to be his servants, every one that keepeth the 
Sabbath from polluting it, and taketh hold of my covenant, 
even them will I bring to my holy mountain, and make 
them joyful in my house of prayer." 



CHAPTER XIV. 



THE FIRST NEW ENGLAND MEETING-HOUSE. 

Joyful in my House of Prayer ! In all places where 1 
record my name, I will come unto thee and bless thee ! 
And in his Living Temple God records his name ; and 
where two or three are gathered in that name, there is his 
House of Prayer. What a marvellous transfiguration from 
the local into the universal, from the earthly and formal 
into the spiritual, from altars into hearts, took place when 
He came, in whom types and shadows, vails and engrav- 
ings in stone, and the places and the ceremonies of priestly 
authority and sanctity, were done away, and the ministra- 
tion of the Spirit for the glory of the Lord was set open 
in renewed hearts, changed into the same image from 
glory to glory, even as by the Spirit of the Lord ! 

In four verses in the New Testament, the power passes 
from the Temple and the Priesthood, and is enshrined 
wherever there are humble, believing, praying souls, be it 
in Cathedrals or Conventicles, in large upper rooms in 
Judea beset by spies and persecutors of Church and State, 
or in the cottages and hiding places of the Pilgrims in Eng- 
land, for whom the prison and the scaffold were prepared 
and destined ; or in their log houses in the wilderness, 
where, as free as the birds of the air, regardless of human 
interdictions, they could worship God. 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 251 

" Our fathers worshipped in this mountain, and ye say 
that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship. 
Jesus sailh unto her, woman, believe me, the hour cometh, 
when ye shall neither in this mountain, nor yet at Jeru- 
salem, worship the Father, The hour cometh, and now is, 
when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in 
spirit and in truth : for the Father seeketh such to worship 
him. God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must 
worship him in spirit and in truth." 

How beautiful, how solemn, how glorious, how simple is 
this designation ! Spirit and Truth, that is God's Temple, 
that is God's House of Prayer, and the proofs of a place in 
it, the presence of living worshippers, are the epistles of 
Christ, written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the liv- 
ing God, not in tables of stone, but in fleshly tables of the 
heart. Such was the first sanctuary in 1620 in New Eng- 
land. The groves there were God's first external temples, 
under the roof of Heaven. By their watch-fires on the 
land, and in their open shallop on the sea, our Fathers wor- 
shipped ; and in the cabin of the May Flower, and in all 
their perilous expeditions, before yet the foundation of a 
hut was laid. It was not the temple first, the consecrated 
temple, and the heart afterwards, but the heai't first and 
the temple afterwards. 

We love that old-fashioned, Pilgrim, New-England de- 
signation of the Meeting-house. It seems to carry us back 
to a time, when to have a meeting of any kind, was to 
worship God ; where the people were all Christians, and 
their meetings for devotion were so much the habit, the 
joy, and the main business of life, as to Christianize even 
the generic idea of a public assembly. The Sabbath meet- 
ings of our fathers began in the first dwelling-house ; where 
the first household prayer ascended to God, there also did 
the colonists gather for their Sabbath and social services. 
Just so, of a long time, did Christ's early churches gather 
together and worship in Jerusalem, in Antioch, in Ephesus, 



252 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

in Corinth ; and the church that is in thy house became one 
of the designations, local and formal, of primitive Chris- 
tianity. 

But at length there was a structure of special service 
and appointment, as God's House of Prayer. That first 
house for the Pilgrims was but a rude tabernacle in the 
wilderness ; yet it had a beauty and a glory such as the 
grandest temple since erected in all this land possesses not. 
It was God's pavilion for his people, yet it had nothing of 
a temple save the heavenly purposes to which, on the 
Lord's Day, it was devoted. For as God meant that they 
should come to this country unsanctioned, unconsecrated, 
untolerated, unaccepted, unacknowledged, yea despised as 
a church ; unconstituted either by King, or Priest, or Pre- 
late, and flung forth from a human establishment to God's 
uncovenanted mercies in the wilderness, uncovenanted of 
man but chosen of God ; so he meant that they should 
worship in a Temple, desecrated by no mere self-willed 
human consecration ; a conventicle, a garrison, not set apart 
for the sacredness, but used for the convenience and se- 
curity of the holy duties of Divine Worship ; duties that 
make the house beautiful and sacred, and not the house the 
duties. 

God led them into it, and not they God ; it was God's 
choice for them, not theirs for God ; and here, in the 
following record, is the account of the ceremonies of its 
construction and dedication, under date of July, 1622. 

" This summer we build a Timber Fort, both strong and 
comely, with flat roof and battlements ; on which ordnance , 
are mounted, a watch kept, and it also serves as a place of 
public worship.'''' 

In Old England, under the Establishment, with an Arch- 
bishop's consecration, this would have been a place of 
public worship, serving as a Fort, bristling with Bancroft's 
cannon, and with the ceremonies, ordinances, command- 
ments, and doctrines of men. 



OF PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AJiD PERSONS. 253 

In New England it was simply the Pilgrims' first Meet- 
ing-House, where by God's mercy they could say, Though 
a host should encarrip against me, my heart shall not fear. 
In Old England it would have been God's house, devoted 
to man's purposes ; in New England it was man's house, 
devoted to God's purposes. " One thing have I desired of 
the Lord, said the Pilgrims, that will I seek after ; that I 
may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my 
life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in his 
temple." And who can tell the unspeakable delight with 
which they must have enjoyed that uninterrupted com- 
munion with God, according to the rule of his Word, for 
which they had fled into thi§ savage wilderness, where 
God's house was not only a place of spiritual freedom, but 
a pavilion of defence against the heathen ! " We have 
thought of thy loving kindness," said they, " O God, in the 
midst of thy temple. Walk about Zion, and go round 
about her : tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her 
bulwarks, consider her palaces, that ye may tell it to the 
generations following. For this God is our God for ever 
and ever ; he will be our guide even unto death." 

Here they could taste of the river, the streams whereof 
make glad the city of God. Here that sacred stream, the 
Word of God, from which they had been driven with penal 
inflictions, glided gently for their undisturbed enjoyment, 
and watered their divine abode. Here, though convulsions 
shook the solid world, they had nothing to fear. The 
heathen might rage, and the kingdoms be moved, but now 
they could say. The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of 
Jacob is our refuge. They could raise Luther's psalm : 

O Lord of Hosts, Almighty King ! 

While we so near thy presence dwell, 
Our faith shall sit secure and sing 

Defiane* to the gates of hell. 

And it was a great triumph of God's providence and 



254 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIOxXS 

grace, a wonderful scene amidst the almost unbroken 
wilderness of the whole Northern Continent of America, to 
behold this handful of his children, beginning their service 
of public as well as secret piety, and with such exceeding, 
though quiet and solemn joy, laying the foundations of 
many generations. Already they felt that the order of 
God's house was beautiful, and though rude in circum- 
stance, yet in its simple spirituality, full of power. 

Let strangers walk around 

The city where we dwell, 
Compass and view the holy ground, 

And mark tlie building well ; 

The order of thy house, 

The worship of thy court, 
The cheerful songs, the solemn vows, 

And make a fair report. 

How decent and how wise ! 

How glorious to behold ! 
Beyond the pomp that charms the eyes, 

And rites adorned with gold. 

Let us enter with the congregation there, on a day like 
some of our sacred days in August, a Sabbath combining 
the softness of summer with the clearness and brilliancy 
of autumn in the frosty October. Standing here alone, in 
the still solemnity of noon upon this Hill of Graves, and 
looking abroad upon the harbor and the islands, so beauti- 
ful at high tide, it is not difficult to go back in imagination 
to the days of our Pilgrim Fathers, and to stand with them 
amidst the changing scenes of their labors. Changing 
they were, even then, beneath the hand of that scant indus- 
try, the very first year, when half the Colony died, and 
there were but nineteen men to build houses and defend 
them, and to clear and plant their land. But now how 
changed ! That one street of seven rude dwellings, like 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 255 

a prophecy in hieroglyphics upon a blank scroll, between 
which and this Burial Hill there was a wide untrodden 
space, as also below, down to the water's edge, has spread 
into a network of streets and buildings, winding and cross- 
ing all around the base of this sacred mount, which itself 
would perhaps have been also covered with residences, 
had not its sacredness as the enclosure of the dead forbid- 
den. But the growth of this place is mere nothing in com- 
parison with that of many other towns and cities in our 
country, where the wave of each successive generation 
obliterates all traces of the past, and fierce remorseless 
progress permits men only to compare themselves with the 
future, never looking back, and hearing only the one voice 
of Destiny, Clear the Way ! Glad we are that present 
Plymouth is an old town and no bigger, for here imagina- 
tion is not so oppressed and looked out of countenance by 
reality, but that it can go back two hundred years, and see 
things as when our fathers landed. The houses disappear, 
and the dim woods and cornfields take their places, and we 
can see the solitary May Flower at anchor, and the Pil- 
grims on shore cutting and carrying timber, marking out 
their lots, thatching their houses, impaling this Hill, under 
which their little settlement is seated, and making bulwarks 
or jetties whence they can defend their dwellings, by day 
and by night keeping watch and ward against the Indians. 
This Sabbath morning — let it be October, or the begin- 
ning of November, instead of August, — the smoke rises 
early and peaceful on the clear frosty air, from the single 
line of dwellings. There is no busy stir in or about the 
little settlement, as on the week days. Almost the first 
sign of life that you behold, except the tell-tale smoke from 
the thatched roofs, is the winding of the Pilgrims up the 
path that leads from their dwellings to the Fort upon the 
Hill, where they hold their worship. There goes their 
venerated Elder, William Brewster, a Pilgrim older than 
all the rest, already beyond the three score years of our 



256 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

earthly pilgrimage, but active and cheerful ; " a good man 
and full of the Holy Ghost, and much people were added 
to the Lord." Yea, he is the Barnabas of this little church 
and colony. 

So the congregation gather into this log-fort, and begin 
to praise God. They are but a very little handful, enough for 
a social prayer meeting ; and some have to remain in the 
dwellings, to tend the sick, and watch against surprisal 
from the Indians ; others are on guard also at the Foi't 
with muskets, watching as sentinels, while all watch and 
pray. If the naked children of the forest are watching 
also, with bow and arrow, they hear sweet and solemn 
music this morning, and it is one of God's means to keep 
them in awe, and defend his people from them. The whole 
congregation sing, and the hymn rises as from one heart, 
with the sweetness of the unison of all voices. Our Pil- 
grim Fathers were good singers. We have the testimony 
of Mr. Winslow to this point. When they were embark- 
ing from Leyden he says, " We refreshed ourselves with 
singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts as 
well as with the voice, there being many of our congrega- 
tion very expert in music ; and indeed it was the sweetest 
music that mine ears ever heard." It was congregational 
singing, and so was it at each Sabbath's worship in this 
timber-fort in the wilderness. It were well if our con- 
gregations in modern time would follow this delightful pil- 
grim and scriptural habit of expertness in music. 

The song ended, they unite in prayer. Mr. Brewster 
was a gifted man in this sacred exercise, especially in the 
humble confession of sin, and pleading for pardon. He 
was not long in prayer, but frequent ; and he set the heart 
and conscience at work, as in Paul's expression, laboring 
earnestly in prayer. He prayed fervently, with and for 
the people, and they with and for him. They came to God 
in great want, and prayed for great blessings. 

And then with equal power and beauty, under the guid- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 257 

ing of the Saviour, he opened unto them the Scriptures, 
and appHed both the law and the promises, being plain and 
distinct, as well as affectionately stirring and moving in his 
teachings. Powerfully and profitably he taught, twice 
every Sabbath, to the great contentment of the hearers, 
and to their comfortable edification. This he continued to 
do, till the Church had another minister, and many were 
brought to God by his ministry. " Yea, he did more in 
their behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds 
a year do in all their lives." He was a man that had done 
and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the Gospel's 
sake, and so doing and suffering, God upheld him to a 
great age, and kept him actively useful to the last. 

From the enjoyment of his ministrations, and of God's 
Spirit in them, they would go down to their dwellings with 
renewed hope and faith and courage to bear the exceeding 
trials of the week. Though their outward man was weak 
and wasting, yet the inward was renewed day by day, and 
perhaps the darker and gloomier it grew externally, the 
brighter was all within. Mr. Brewster loved to dwell 
upon God's promises, and to show his faithfulness and 
loving kindness in all the severe discipline they were 
passing through. He preached that winter in the midst of 
sickness, fears, and deaths, and the next in the midst of a 
wasting famine. And his own confidence in God, and his 
cheerful endurance of personal suffering, did much to keep 
up the spirits of his fainting flock. He would address 
them almost in the words of Baxter : 

Why art Ihou, fainting soul, cast down ? 

And thus disquieted witli fears ? 
Art thou not passing to thy crown, 

Through storms of pain and floods of tears? 
Fear not, O thou of little fiith ! 

Art thou not in thy Saviour's hand? 
Remember what his promise saith, 

For life and death are his command. 



258 HISTOKICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

To Him thou did'st thyself intrust, 

When first thou did'st for Heaven embark, 
And He hath proved both kind and just; 

Still thou art with Him in his ark. 
Could'st thou expect to see no seas? 

Nor feel no tossing wind or wave ? 
It is enough that from all these 

Thy faithful pilot tiiee will save. 

Thy Lord hath taught thee how to want 

A place wherein to put thy head ; 
While He is thine, be thou content 

To beg or lack thy daily bread. 
Heaven is thy roof, earth is thy floor ; 

His love can keep thee dry and warm : 
Christ and His bounty are thy store ; 

His angels guard thee from all harm. 

These simple lines, the language of Baxter's heart and 
experience, must have been the tenor of many a sermon, 
many a consoling exhortation from the beloved and vene- 
rated Elder of the Pilgrims. 

It is one thing to express the thoughts and aspirations of 
Christian faith, hope, and love in poetry, and a very differ- 
ent thing to possess and act them out amidst the pressure 
of severe suffering. The Pilgrims exercised with marvel- 
lous cheerfulness the Christian graces of patience, perse- 
verance, and unshaken trust in God, amidst circumstances 
that had nothing of the romantic, nothing of the imaginative 
in them ; nothing to give a fictitious power of interest to 
the work in which they were engaged. To our minds at 
this day, every circumstance is full of interest ; there is no 
want of the romantic, the imaginative, even in external 
things ; and in the moral, the spiritual, how transcendently 
sublime and beautiful! But they themselves were alone, 
forlorn, the outcasts of the world, counted in high places as 
the offscouring of all things, and in the place of their own 
high duty, pressed down, for months together, into a daily 
drudgery of toil for the support of this mortal life, wasting, 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 259 

dying. Put the glory where it belongs ; it was a remark- 
able scene of the grace of God ; they endured, as seeing 
Him who is invisible. 

From their Mount of God's sanctuary, their Timber- Fort 
of Sabbath prayer and praise, where they dwelt upon the 
promises, and held communion with the world unseen and 
eternal, they went down, thoughtful, sad, yet comforted, 
resigned, and trustful, to their rude and insufficient dwel- 
lings, to the labors of the week, to the tending of the sick, 
to the burial of the dead, and the toils of the living; always 
hearing about in the body the dying of the Lord Jesus, that 
the life also of Jesus might be made manifest in their mortal 
body. Yea, they could have said, speaking to future gene- 
rations. We which live are always delivered unto death 
for Jesus' sake, and death worketh us, that life may work 
in you. 



CHAPTER XV. 



THE FIRST DEATHS AND BURIALS. 

The first winter with the Pilgrim colony was a period 
of fatigue, anxiety, sickness, sadness, and death. There is 
but Uttle notice of these distresses in the earhest Journal of 
the Pilgrims, and it is somewhat singular that the deaths of 
that winter among their small number are not named. 
The omission must have been for some particular reason. 
Perhaps, as they were to send this Journal for publication 
in England, and the first impressions in regard to the colony 
would be made upon many minds by its perusal, they dared 
not let the pressure of calamity and the ravages of disease 
be seen too clearly. They did not repine at God's disci- 
pline for themselves ; they trusted in God, although he 
should slay them ; their submissive, cheerful faith was 
undiminished by their trials ; but they could not in the 
same way trust in man, and they had reason to be afraid 
of the gloomy interpretation of God's providences by those 
who knew not the secret of the Lord, nor the glory and 
faithfulness of his covenant. Yet could they see and feel, 
in the assurance of God's presence, 

" It is no death when souls depart, 
If Thou depart not from the soul." 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDEiXCES, AND PERSONS. 261 

Six of their little company had died in December, the 
second month after their arrival. The last of them, 
Solomon Martin, died upon the Sabbath of the 24th. but 
though the Journal makes mention of an alarm on shore 
from the cry of savages, it says nothing of this visit of 
death, nor of the deepening gloom of the people. Decem- 
ber 7th, the beloved wife of Mr. Bradford was drowned, 
while her husband had gone with several other of the Pil- 
grims on the exploring expedition for the discovery of their 
place of settlement. Although the Journal makes mention 
of the comfort which their return brought to the hearts of 
the little company, it says nothing of this melancholy death, 
nor of the suddenness of the calamity to Bradford. The 
record was found in Governor Bradford's pocket-book, 
which contained a register of deaths from Nov. 6th, 1620, 
to the end of March, 1621. This register was among Mr. 
Prince's MSS. 

Tlie first day of the year 1621, Monday, was marked by 
the death of one of their number. The next Monday, 
Jan. 8th, another was taken, Mr. Christopher Martin. No 
mention is made of his death in the Journal, though there 
is of his sickness, in the following record : " Saturday, the 
sixth of January, Master Marten was very sicke, and to 
our judgment no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent 
for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts, 
who came the next morning." 

Mr. Carver was one of the deacons of the church in 
Leyden, and the circumstance of sending for him in Martin's 
illness, doubtless to minister that help and consolation in a 
dying hour, which would have been the sacred duty of 
their beloved pastor Robinson, had he been with them, 
shows in some degree the nature of the deacon's office in 
that church, as involving a participation in the pastor's 
spiritual responsibilities. Their elder, William Brewster, 
was with the dying man ; but Master Carver is marked as 
sent for. It is not probable that the phrase " to speak with 



262 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

him ahotit his accounts,''^ is any other than a somewhat 
quaint method of intimating a preparation for the accounts 
of the great day. 

Monday the 29th there was another sad visit of death, 
of which no note is recorded in the Journal, neither of any 
funeral, but the business of the week goes on, the weather 
being cold, frost, and sleet, and amidst the sickness and 
mortality now increasing, the hearts of the survivors must 
have been bowed down with grief. Sad were those com- 
mittals to the grave ; perhaps some of them by night, 
because of the Indians, who were watching the weakness 
of the infant colony. Eight had died this month; and of 
this last death in January, the following simple record is 
copied by Mr. Prince from Governor Bradford's register : 
— "Jan. 29, Dies Rose, the wife of Capt. Standish." 

Rose, the wife of Captain Standish ! That is all ; but 
what a volume in that ! Governor Bradford's Register, 
that winter, was like a book of sad engravings from a 
forest of tomb-stones. The name of his own dear wife he 
inscribed among the earliest ; and still, one after another 
departs, and now his pen has to trace the simple, sad 
record, dies Rose, the wife of Captain Standish. The 
soldier's courage, we venture to say, ever after that, had 
in it a sadder and a wiser energy, more of the Christian, 
and less of the mere man. Standish was a man of frank, 
loving, noble qualities, but brave and daring, even to rash- 
ness ; and He whose Providence as well as Grace was now 
so severely refining and tempering the whole Colony, knew 
how to subdue the natural impetuosity of his disposition, 
till it should be governed by a heavenly control. Rose 
Standish ! The only relic of the wife and mother, that we 
know of, is that piece of needle-work by the daughter, 
preserved among the curiosities in Pilgrim Hall. 

And now the most vigorous of the Pilgrims, and the 
foremost in all dangers and hardships, in addition to every 
external toil and privation, bore about with them, one 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDKNCES, AND PERSONS. '26'S 

after another, the griefs of these severe personal bereave- 
ments. The 21st of February, four deaths are recorded, 
one of them that of Mr. WiUiam White, whose wife after- 
wards married Governor Winslow. " And the 25th dies 
Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton." Seventeen died 
in February. 

The Journal of the Pilgrims ends with Friday, the 23d 
of March, on which day, the record closes with the choice 
of " our Governor for this year, which was Master John 
Carver, a man well approved amongst us." The mortality 
of the Winter was still going on, and the next day, Satur- 
day, the 24th, died Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Edward 
Winslow. Nineteen died in March. " And in three 
months past," as we find in Prince's Chronological History, 
from Gov. Bradford, " dies half our company ; the greatest 
part, in the depths of Winter, wanting houses and other 
comforts, being infected with the scurvy, and other dis- 
eases, which their long voyage and unaccommodate condi- 
tion brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or 
three a day. Of one hundred persons, scarce fifty remain : 
the living scarce able to bury the dead, the well not suffi- 
cient to tend the sick ; there being in their time of greatest 
distress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. 
Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their Reverend 
Elder, and Mr. Standish, their Captain." 

■►This is a simple, but sad and vivid picture ; and yet the 
most afflictive providence of all was before them, in the 
next month, although now it pleased God that the mortality 
should begin to cease, and the sick and lame recover. For, 
April 5th, after mention of the May Flower sailing for 
England, and their busy work in planting for the harvest, 
we find from Gov. Bradford the following sorrowful 
register. 

" While we are busy about our seed, our Governor, Mr. 
Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains greatly 
of his head, within a few hours his senses fail, so as he 



264 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

speaks no more, and in a few days aftei' dies, to our great 
lamentation and heaviness. His care and pains were so 
great for the common good, as therewith 'tis thought he 
oppressed himself, and shortened his days; of whose -loss 
we cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases 
about five or six weeks after." 

Now the simple record of these deaths is more expressive 
than anything else can be, of the depths of trial passed 
through, in such patient, submissive, and even cheerful 
endurance, by our Pilgrim Fathers, during the first dread 
winter of their settlement. The language of Mr. Prince, 
though he wrote only as a severely accurate Chronologist, 
is as strikingly eloquent as anything that has ever been 
penned. " Wherever they turn their eyes, nothing but 
distress surrounds them. Harassed for their scripture 
worship in their native land, grieved for the profanation of 
the holy Sabbath, and other licentiousness, in Holland, 
fatigued with their boisterous voyage, disappointed of their 
expected country, forced on this Northern shore, both 
utterly unknown, and in advance of winter ; none but 
prejudiced barbarians round about them, and without any 
prospect of human succor; without the help or favor of 
the Court of England, without a patent, without a public 
promise of their religious liberties ; worn out with toil 
and sufferings, without convenient shelter from the rigorous 
weather ; and their hardships bringing a general sickness 
on them, which reduces them to great extremities, bereaves 
them of their dearest friends, and leaves many of the 
children orphans. Within five months' time above half 
their company are carried oft", whom they account as dying 
in this noble cause, whose memories they consecrate to the 
dear esteem of their successors, and bear all with a Chris- 
tian fortitude and patience as extraordinary as their trials." 

But there is little or no mention of these things as trials, 
in the earliest personal Journal of the Pilgrims ; so little, 
that it is almost unaccountable. With what severity of 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 265 

patience, yet unrepining cheerfulness, they bore onward in 
God's path, marked out for them ! Although the cases of 
death are so seldom, if ever, referred to in the Journal, yet 
we see here and there the causes of that w^inter's mortality, 
plain enough. We see records of voyages in open boats, 
in cold and bitter weather, with the salt sea freezing on 
their clothes, and making them like coats of iron. We 
see the accounts of days and nights on shore, in weariness 
and faintness without food, in tempestuous rain and sleet 
without shelter. We see them sometimes wading through 
the icy-cold mud-flats in the harbors, sometimes through 
the snow upon the land. Now and then the record of a 
short period falls thus : " It blowed and did snow all that 
day and night, and froze withall ; some of our people that 
are dead took the original of their death here." We find 
at an earlier period that by reason of their " cold and wet 
lodgings," in severe weather, " scarce any of us were free 
from vehement coughs." Amidst the hectic and pain of 
these coughs, growing into consumptions, they went about 
their work. The repairing of their shallop was the begin- 
ning of disease with many, when they had to work in mud 
and water. " The discommodiousness of the harbor did 
much hinder us, for we could neither go to nor come from 
the shore but at high water, which was much to our 
hindrance and hurt, for oftentimes they waded to the 
middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and come 
from land ; some did it necessarily, and some for their own 
pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs 
and colds, the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy, 
whereof many died." 

When they began to build, they measured the lots not 
so much by the future need of their families, as by their 
present inability to manage larger undertakings. "We 
thought their properties were large enough at the first, for 
houses, and gardens to impale them round, considering the 
weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with 

12 



266 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

colds, for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and 
the wading at Cape Cod, had brought much weakness 
amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, 
and after was the cause of many of their deaths." That 
year, that first winter, they had to dig seven times as many 
graves for the dead, as they were building houses for the 
living. And they levelled and sowed their graves, Mr. 
Holmes in his Annals tells us, for the purpose of conceal- 
ment, lest the Indians, counting the number of the dead, 
should know the weakness of the living. Those early 
graves, therefore, are lost from present knowledge, though 
the place of the first burials is well known, and is pointed 
out to the visitor, a little above Forefathers' Rock, in 
Plymouth. 

We look back to the days of that dying, yet immortal 
colony, as the one heroic age in our country's history ; and 
sublimely such it was ; but to them, the actors, beneath 
what a thick impenetrable veil, sometimes of real misery 
in penury and starvation, and sometimes of darkness even 
to the end of life, was the glory and the sunlight hidden ! 
And yet it was an age, — those few early years of the con- 
flict and the triumph, — every hour of it, full of glorious 
germs and prophecies. It was truly an age and race to 
which, in the language of Mr. Choate, " the arts may go 
back, and find real historical forms and groups, wearing 
the port and grace, and going on the errands of demigods. 
An age far oflT, on whose moral landscape the poet's eye 
may light, and reproduce a grandeur and beauty, stately 
and eternal, transcending that of ocean in storm or at 
peace, or of mountains staying as with a charm the Eve- 
ning Star in his deep course ; or the twilight of a summer's 
day, or voice of solemn birds ; an age from whose per- 
sonages and whose actions the Orator may bring away an 
incident or a thought that shall kindle a fire in ten thousand 
hearts as on altars to their country's glory ; to which the 
discouraged teachers of patriotism and morality to cor- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 267 

rupted and expiring states may resort, for examples how 
to live and how to die ! " 

By the good providence of God that winter was a mild 
one ; otherwise none of the Pilgrims could have survived 
it. Their journal speaks of frequent rains, and sometimes 
of sleet and snow, but it is evident that they experienced 
no severe snow storm, nor any very great degree of cold 
of long duration. Yet some of their first explorings were 
made in such rainy and freezing weather united, that their 
clothes became "like coats of mail." The hectic flush of 
consumption was in the face of many that winter as they 
bent over their work, and the incurable death-cough sound- 
ed amidst their painful but persevering efforts for the pre- 
paration of dwellings, which before they were done should 
be exchanged for the grave. It was a winter of sad and 
increasing mortality, when every Pilgrim whom God took 
was so ill spared, and all were so dear ; six deaths in De- 
cember, eight in January, seventeen in February, thirteen 
in March, making in all forty-four, of whom twenty-one 
had subscribed the great compact on board the May Flower. 
Forty-four died in those four months out of the one hun- 
dred whom God had brought in that little vessel ; brought 
the seed to sow for glory. But how inexplicable are his 
ways ! How different from man's ways ! We know in- 
deed that except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and 
die it abideth alone ; we know that that death to self, 
which God was carrying on towards perfection in these 
Pilgrims, is ever the first step to life. But that God should 
take so much of this precious seed, thus preparing for the 
multiplication and power of the great spiritual harvest, and 
put it literally into the ground, not to be raised again until 
the final resurrection ; that he should bury out of human 
sight and reach near one half of the little handful of his 
servants, carrying them across the stormy ocean, and into 
the midst of the first painful toils and discouragments of the 
Colony, just to bury them ; this is inscrutable to mortal 



268 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

jadgment. Yet, though lost from sight, they were not lost 
in influence. Those bodies of the dear ones, laid in graves, 
that had to be smoothed over and made like common soil, 
lest the Indians should detect the place where God's seed- 
corn was lying, made still a great part of the moral power 
of the little Colony. 

" The dead were buried on the bank," says Holmes in 
his American Annals, " at a little distance from the Rock 
where the Fathers landed ; and lest the Indians should 
take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the 
English, the graves were levelled and sown for the purpose 
of concealment." They would have known by the dead how 
few were the living ! But they could not have known how 
much dearer to the living was the home of the dead, nor 
what an element of courage and power it would have 
thrown into a conflict with the savages, to have fought for 
such graves. The spot where the first Governor Carver 
and his wife, with Rose Standish, were buried became im- 
measurably more sacred for such a sacred deposit. By 
the month of November as many as fifty had died and 
were buried there, leaving the whole surviving band, 
before the reinforcement came in the Fortune, only fifty. 
Notwithstanding all that mortality, with the sad privations 
and hardships the survivors had to endure and encounter, 
not one Pilgrim went back to England in the May Flower. 
The death of Governor Carver, so beloved, so respected, 
so confided in, so faithful, self-denying, and laborious, was 
a most depressing blow to the little colony. It seemed as 
if God could have spared that, but he knew better than 
they what was for their good and his glory. 

Mr. Choate has beautifully put into the lips of the 
venerated Brewster, in a version of those days of graves, 
the language of the Pilgrim souls. " This spot, he would 
say, this line of shore, yea, this whole land grows dearer, 
daily, were it only for the precious dust which we have 
committed to its bosom. I would sleep here, when my 



OF PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 269 

own hour comes, rather than elsewhere, with those who 
have shared with us in our exceeding labors, and whose 
burdens are now unloosed for ever. I would be near 
them in the last day, and have a part in their resurrection." 

This spot of the first Pilgrim burials, so solemn, so 
sacred, is the first terrace or hill rising from the harbor, 
above the Rock of the Pilgrims' landing. The hill or 
terrace rose higher and more boldly at that time than it 
does now, but the Journal speaks of it as " a high land, 
where there is a great deal of ground cleared, and hath 
been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there 
is a very sweet brook under the hill-side, and many delicate 
springs of as good water as can be drunk." A little above 
this first terrace where the earliest dead were laid, the 
Pilgrims set up their first habitations for the living ; the 
centre and beginning of the town of Plymouth. Higher 
still above this rose another hill, the present grave-stone 
mount, of which we have at first spoken, all sown thickly 
over with graves and covered with monuments, but which 
the Pilgrims at first selected for their fort, because of its 
commanding position. They speak of it " as a great hill, 
on which we point to make a platform, and plant our 
ordnance, which will command all round about. From 
thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea; and 
we may see thence Cape Cod." 

This place, called at first Fort Hill, afterwards changed 
its name to that of the Burying Hill, for it began to be 
used as the place of burial soon after the first year of the 
Pilgrims' settlement. In building the fort, they so con- 
structed it as to make it serve also for the house of public 
worship, where they could calmly praise God, without fear 
of any sudden incursion from the savages. The founda- 
tions of the fort are still distinctly marked, but the last 
mention of it in the town records is in 1679, at the close of 
King Philip's war, when the defences were no longer 
needed. On this hill are the graves of several of the May 



270 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Flower Pilgrims, Gov. Bradford's among others, and that of 
John Howland and his wife Elizabeth. The grave of 
Thomas Clarke, the mate of the May Flower, is here. 
This is the place also of the grave of the last ruling elder 
of the first church m Plymouth, Mr. Thomas Faunce. He 
died not till the year 1745, in the 99th year of his age, and 
of course was long the living repository of the authentic 
unwritten traditions concerning the first generation of the 
Pilgrims. The great age to which those lived, who sur- 
vived the dreadful trials of the first few years, is remarka- 
ble. John Alden, who came in the May Flower, died at 
the age of 89, in 1687, and one of his direct descendants, 
John Alden of Middleborough, died at the age of 102, in 
the year 1821. The wife of Governor Bradford died at 
the age of 80. Elder Brewster, John Howland and his 
wife Elizabeth, Elder Cushman and his wife Mary, were 
all from 80 to 90 years of age when they died. Thomas 
Clarke, the supposed mate of the May Flower, was 98. 
The grave stones over these Pilgrims, if you find them on 
Burying Hill, are not so old as their deaths ; they are said 
to have been brought over from England, and in some 
cases were not put up till long after the graves of the 
whole generation were made. 

From the midst of these graves you have, as we have 
seen, a great commanding view over the country and the 
sea. It is a place for deep meditation, not merely on the 
character and toils of those gone to their rest, but upon the 
wonderful Providence of God in the history and govern- 
ment of our race, in the progress of the great plan of 
redemption. Looking back to those days of toil and death 
in the planting of the colony, and abroad now also upon the 
face of the earth, it seems as if the whole history of man- 
kind passed through those straits, as through a gate, or 
lock, into a new expansion. The influence of those days 
is even now at work in Europe, overturning thrones, and 
preparing for the great reign of righteousness and freedom 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 271 

in Christ, which is to come. On the summit of the Bury- 
ing Hill, the spectator will perhaps think of the missionary 
enterprise ; for here lies the body of him, who as one of 
the Pilgrims bore testimony, that with the reasons which 
constrained them to quit their native land and seek a 
habitation among the heathen, was mingled the hope and 
design of spreading the Gospel wdiere the tidings of salva- 
tion had never reached. Their mission, they thought, was 
with the Indians of this Western Continent ; but how 
would they have adored the riches of God's Providence, 
could they have seen in vision the rising and increase of the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 
spreading its labors over the whole habitable globe! A 
missionary movement growing out of that infant colony of 
New England, and which perliaj)s God sees to be directly 
connected with the infant flame of missionary zeal which 
he had kindled in the souls of those Pilgrims. 

In that flame of benevolence, that sense of duty to God, 
that supreme regard to his Will, Word, and Kingdom, that 
religious impulse of combined civil and religious freedom, 
missionary and personal, was the beginning of America. 
Carlyle has intimated as much, but not in the religious 
direction. And America was not only a New World, but, 
ensouled by the Pilgrims, was to make a New World out 
of the Old. The soul of it was in that soul-seed in the 
May Flower, sifted out of God's seed in three kingdoms. 
But nobody knew then Vv^hat God was doing. Who knew, 
or thought, or cared for the sailing of that little vessel, and 
the landing and the toils of those poor men and their 
families ? Aye ! ye see your calling, brethren, if ye would 
be at the foundation of so great a work for God. Not 
many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many 
noble ; perhaps, in a given case, not one. God was just 
here choosing the fdolish things of the world to confound 
the mighty, and base things of the world, and things 
despised, yea, and things that are not, to bring to naught 



272 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence. 
This is the beauty and the glory of this our Pilgrim 
ancestry, that the more minutely we trace it, the more 
directly it brings us to God, the more it throws us upon 
him, the more it forbids us to glory but in him. It shows 
his wonder-working Providence and grace, " deep in un- 
fathomable mines of never-failing skill." 

"Puritanism," says Thomas Carlyle, "was only despica- 
ble, laughable, then ; but nobody can manage to laugh at it 
now. It is one of the strongest things under the sun at 
present." And how wonderfully its calm strength looms 
up now before the w^orld, in contrast with the laboring, 
creaking, straining hulks of old dismasted despotisms, flying 
before the revolutionary gales of Europe to swift destruc- 
tion. We should like to have had a man like Edmund 
Burke spared to behold this scene, and to describe the 
contrast. We should like to have had such a mind, touched 
with divine grace, to take a view of the Providence of 
God from the day of the sailing of the May Flower and the 
coiiipact in Cape Cod Harbor, down to this present 
autumn of 1848. "Nothing in the history of mankind," 
said Burke in his speech upon the taxation of the colonies, 
" is like their progress. For my part, I never cast an eye 
on their flourishing commerce, and their cultivated and 
commodious life, but they seem to me rather ancient 
nations, grown to perfection through a long series of 
fortunate events, and a train of successful industry, ac- 
cumulating wealth in many countries, than the colonies of 
yesterday, than a set of miserable outcasts, a few years 
ago not so much sent as thrown out on the bleak and 
barren shore of a desolate wilderness, three thousand 
miles from all civilized intercourse." 

Now in fact it was this barrier of three thousand miles, 
across which the exiles were thus flung in scorn out of 
their native kingdom, that under God preserved them from 
the infection of vicious example, and the rapacious despot- 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. ' 273 

ism of a Church and State EstabHshment, If the ocean 
had not rolled between America and England, with the 
cost of a month's time, at least, to pass it, the experiment of 
liberty and religion had failed. Now that God in his 
Providence is so lessening time and space between us and 
Europe, we may hope, notwithstanding all dangers, that he 
is about to bring to some glorious crisis the great pur- 
poses of the vast Providential preparations he has been 
making for two hundred years. 



12* 



CHAPTER XVI. 



THE FIRST FAST DAY AND THANKSGIVING. 

The festival of an Annual Thanksgiving, original among 
the Jews, and of God's own appointment, was never in like 
manner observed among any Gentile nation, that we are 
aware of, till our Pilgrim Fathers renewed it in New Eng- 
land. Days of feasting and merriment there have been 
many ; Saints' days copied from the Romish Calendar, 
almost numberless ; festivals of Christmas, and spring car- 
nivals, and holidays ; but nothing like the Thanksgiving- 
feast of harvest for the annual bounties of God's providence, 
of which the grateful, joyful feast of Tabernacles among 
the Hebrews was so perfect and delightful an example. 
Yet not as an imitation did it grow up into a habit with 
our fathers ; it was the suggestion and the dictate of their 
own habitual and grateful piety ; and it is so accordant 
with every impulse of religion, and every feeling of a thank- 
ful heart, that from its home and birth-place in New Eng- 
land, the custom has at length found its way over the whole 
United States, a custom, we trust in God, which never will 
be broken. 

We find in this volume the very first instance of the 
New England Thanksgiving. It is referred to by Mr. 
Winslow in his letter to a friend. It was after the gather- 
ing in of the harvest, and a fowling expedition was sent out 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 275 

for the occasion by the Governor, that for their Thanksgiv- 
ing dinners and for the festivities of the week they might 
have more dainty and abundant materials than ordinary. 
That week they exercised in arms, and hospitably feasted 
King Massasoit and ninety men. The Governor is said by 
Mr. Winslow to have appointed the game-hunt after harvest, 
that so thePilgrims " might after a more special manner re- 
joice together, after they had gathered the fruit of their la- 
bors." This admirable annual New England custom oi 
Thanksgiving dates back therefore to the first year of our 
Forefathers' arrival. The custom of an annual fast began 
somewhat later, on occasion of the prospect of famine in 
the infant colony, in 1623. The discipline of God's provi- 
dence, as well as the guidance of his word, led them onward 
in the appointment and celebration of both these solemni- 
ties, which they did not then know God was designing to 
be fixtures of devout habit from the youth to the manhood 
of New England. In all things they waited on God; and 
God built up all things with them and among them, not 
suddenly, violently, or by any imagination of a miracle ; or 
by will- worship of angels after the commandments and doc- 
trines of men ; but gradually, gently, naturally, by grace 
and heavenly wisdom, in a growth which should be lasting, 
because it came from God. 

Yes ! the process was kind and gentle, though with ap- 
parent severity. And there were passages in God's word 
so singularly applicable to God's discipline and the event 
of it with them even from the beginning, that they must 
have enjoyed peculiar delight in dwelling upon them ; for 
neither the church nor the world had ever seen a case so 
marvellously resembling God's providence and grace with 
his people of old under a miraculous dispensation. *' And 
though the Lord give you the bread of adversity and the 
water of aflfliction, yet shall not thy teachers be removed 
into a corner any more, but thine eyes shall see thy teach- 
ers ; and thine ears shall hear a word behind thee, saying, 



276 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

This is the way, walk ye in it, when ye turn to the right 
hand, and when ye turn to the left. Then shall he give 
the rain of thy seed, that thou shalt sow the ground withal; 
and bread of the increase of the earth, and it shall be fat and 
plenteous ; in that day shall thy cattle feed in large pas- 
tures." 

For a season they were shut up to the faith of Habakkuk, 
that simple faith, that beautiful and unmingled faith, that 
faith in God, and not in God's comforts ; that faith in God, 
guided, fed, and strengthened by his word, and by no wild 
imagination. " Although the fig-tree shall not blossom, 
neither shall fruit be in the vines ; the labor of the olive 
shall fail, and the fields shall yield no meat ; the flock shall 
be cut off from the fold, and there shall be no herd in the 
stalls ; — yet will I rejoice in the Lord, I will joy in the God 
of my salvation." 

There were such times, when they had to go to Isaiah 
1. 10, and wait there till God's appearance, seeing no 
light, but in his own provision for just such a case. " Who 
is among you that feareth the Tiord, that obeyeth the voice 
of his servant, that walketh in darkness and hath no light 1 
Let him trust in the name of the Lord, and stay upon his 
God." Times there were, when they had to say. Our God 
whom we serve is able to deliver us ; but if not, if he please 
not, be it known to the whole world of darkness and dis- 
trust around and beneath us, we still trust in him, and have 
no misgivings, though he slay us. 

And then, when they were ready to say, — My strength 
and my hope is perished from the Lord, heard they the 
voice of the Lord, and found its fulfilment, — " For a small 
moment have I forsaken thee, but with everlasting mercies 
will I gather thee. In a little wrath I hid my face from 
thee for a moment, but with everlasting kindness will I 
have mercy on thee, saith the Lord thy Redeemer." " For 
the Lord will not cast ofi' for ever ; but though he cause 



OF PRINCIPLES, PKOVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 277 

grief, yet will he have compassion according to the multi- 
tude of his mercies." 

The history of their first Fast is a glorious testimony to 
the truth of these declarations in God's book. God planted 
the seed of that victorious day, that triumph of prayer, that 
day of God's own witness to his own faithfulness, at the 
time when they, in dependence on him, were putting their 
seed into the ground, and leaving there, under God's care, 
all their external reliance for the future. God set the root 
of conquest and praise in their disappointments and difficul- 
ties. Though he led them sometimes " three days in the 
wilderness without water," yet he kept them from mur- 
muring ; though he brought them sometimes to a fountain, 
and let them see that it was Marah, bitterness, yet his pre- 
venting grace suffered them not to distrust him or repine. 
He built up by all this discipline, a hardy and a cheerful 
piety, and a strong enduring faith ; fixtures of character 
requisite for those who were to " raise up the foundations 
of many generations ;" a faith, then most vigorous, when 
deepest in adversity ; and a submissive cheerfulness, not 
running as an occasional mere thread or picture through a 
woof of blessings, but constituting both warp and woof, by 
God's grace, in the loom of his providence and word. 

The history of this fast we will take mainly from Prince's 
compendium of Winslow and Bradford. But to render it 
more striking, by bringing into one view the successive 
hardships, discouragements, and fears of the colony from 
the beginning, through this particular cause of the want of 
food and sore famine, even unto apprehended destruction, 
we will set out where the Journal leaves us, just before 
the lamented death of Governor Carver, in the spring of 
1621. That affliction came upon them in seed-time ; but 
that darkest day was at the beginning of the renewal of 
God's mercy in the health and prosperity of the little com- 
pany. " All the summer no want ; while some were trad- 
ing, others were fishing cod, bass, &c. We now gather in 



27S HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

our harvest, and as cold weather advances, there come in 
store of water-fowl, wherewith this place abounds, though 
afterwards they by degrees decrease ; as also abundance 
of wild turkeys, with venison, &c. Fit our houses against 
winter, are in health, and have all things in plenty." 

But now, even in a new cloud of mercy, lowers the 
threatening of change. Nov. 9th arrived the ship Fortune 
from England, the tirst reinforcement of the Pilgrims since 
the day, precisely a year before, when the May Flower 
came in sight of Cape Cod, and anchored in the harbor. 
This was the first news to gladden their hearts from their 
mother country, the first sail they had seen. \ In this ship 
" comes Mr. Cushman with thirty-five persons to live in 
the plantation, which not a little rejoices us. j But both 
ship and passengers poorly furnished urith provisions, 
so that we are forced to spare her some to carry her 
home, which threatens a famine among us, unless we have 
a timely supply." 

It was excessive improvidence, and even cruelty, in 
those who sent out this ship, thus miserably to furnish her 
with provisions, not merely sending no Ibod to the colony, 
when they sent thirty-five new mouths to be filled, but 
leaving the ship's company itself to be victualled from the 
colony for a return voyage ! It w^as God's mercy, not 
man's wisdom, that the plantation was not ruined by this 
ship. Measures had now to be adopted in reference to 
want. 

" Upon her departure, the Governor and his assistant dis- 
pose the late comers into several families, find their pro- 
visions will now scarce hold out six months at half allow- 
ance, and therefore put them to it, which they bare pa- 
tiently." 

" Trust not," wrote Mr. Winslow by return of this ship, 
for such as might be thinking to join the plantation, " trust 
not too much on us for corn at this time, for by reason of 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PB»SONS. 279 

this last company that came depending wholly upon us, we 
shall have little enough till harvest." 

And now came the beginning of those straits, whereof 
Mr. Winslow said, f' such was our state, as in the morning 
we had often our food to seek for the day, yet performed 
the duties of our other daily labors, to provide for after- 
time ; when at some times in some seasons, at noon I have 
seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food ; i 
yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God, 
we have enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of 
heaven had been opened unto us." 

The stinted allowance continued till, under date of May 
in that year, the Pilgrims find themselves under pressure 
of severe want. " Our provision being spent, a famine be- 
gins to pinch us, and we look hard for supply, but none 
arrives." 

At this time they spied a boat at sea, which proved to 
be a shallop from a ship called the Sparrow, bringing 
" seven passengers from Mr. Weston, but no victuals, nor 
hope of any : nor have we ever any afterwards ; and by 
his letters find he has quite deserted us, and is going to set- 
tle a plantation of his own." 

This is the first notice we have of that miserable, base 
■colony under this WestoH, "merchant and citizen of Lon- 
don," which caused such great trial and injury to the Pil- 
grims, and in the end died out utterly in want, unthrift, 
dishonesty, and wretchedness. In the end of June two 
ships from this Weston came into the harbor, " having in 
them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge 
to plant for him." These were courteously and kindly re- 
ceived by the Pilgrims, notwithstanding their own great 
straits. But evil was returned for good. " The body of 
them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, while some most 
fit sought out a place for them. That little store of corn 
we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and disho- 
nest walking of these strangers ; who, though they would 



280 HIJJORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS ^ 

sometimes seem to help us in our labor about our corn, yet 
spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then 
eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofita- 
ble ; and though they received much kindness, set light 
both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we 
showed them with secret backbitings, revilings, &c. 
Nevertheless, we continued to do them whatsoever good 
or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the 
want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day 
when God in his providence would disburden us of them, 
sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability and 
fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be 
the issue of such raw and unconscionable proceedings." 

These miserable adventurers settled at Wessagusset, 
afterwards called Weymouth, in Massachusetts Bay. 

There were three things, Mr. Winslow said, which wei'e 
"the overthrow and bane of plantations ;" the third thing, 
" the carelessness of those that send over supplies of men 
unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; so that oft- 
times they are rather the images of rnen endowed with 
bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the image of God, 
endued with reason, understanding, and holiness. There 
is no godly, honest man, but will be helpful in his kind, 
and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversa- 
tion ; which doctrine of manners ought first to be preached 
by giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst 
whom they live. Great offence hath been given by many 
profane men, who, being but seeming Christians, have 
made Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels." 

The boat that brought the seven new mouths to be filled, 
but no victuals, brought also a kindly letter from the cap- 
tain of a fishing ship at the eastward, Mr. John Huddle- 
ston, to whom the governor -of the Pilgrim Colony sent 
forthwith a boat under Mr. Winslow for provisions. By 
the good providence of God he obtained so much bread as 
amounted to a quarter of a pound daily for each person till 



OK PRINCIPLES, PKOVIDENCES, AND PERSpNS. 281 

harvest, and returned in safety. The governor caused their 
portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. 

" The want of bread had abated the strength and flesh of 
some, had swelled others ; and had they not been where 
are diverse sorts of shell-fish, they must have perished. 
These extremities befell us in May and June : and in the 
time of these straits, the Indians began to cast forth many 
insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving 
out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off; which oc- 
casions us to erect a Fort on the hill above us." 

This Fort being built, served also, thenceforward, as the 
place of public worship. 

Now again harvest time had come, but with it little re- 
lief for the present and apprehended necessities of the colo- 
ny. " Our crop proving scanty, partly through weakness 
to tend it, for want of food, partly through other business, 
and partly by much being stolen, a famine must ensue next 
year, unless prevented. But by an unexpected providence 
come into our harbor two ships." One of these was the 
Discovery under Captain Jones, on her way from Virginia 
to England. Of her, though the Pilgrims seem to have ob- 
tained little bread, yet they bought a store of knives and 
beads which enabled them to trade with the Indians for 
corn, and thus helped to save thein from destruction. The 
food thus obtained during the winter, by expeditions of 
great difficulty and danger, amidst freezing w^eather, was 
divided from time to time among the people. 

Meantime the miserable Colony under Weston, at Wessa- 
gusset, in Massachusetts Bay having spent all their bread 
and corn, and being so despised and hated of the natives, for 
their ill and dishonest conduct, that they could gain no sup- 
ply from them, thought of making a foray upon them and tak- 
ing it by force. But first the overseer determined to ask 
advice of the Colony at Plymouth, being persuaded thereto 
by some more honestly minded. The main question in the 
letter, which was sent with speed by an Indian messenger, 



282 HISTORICAL AM) LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

was whether he should take the corn by violence, on the 
promise afterwards to make restitution. The answer was 
not delayed, and was such as the known piety and wisdom 
of the Colony would lead us to expect. 

The moral superiority and power of'the Pilgrims was on 
such occasions signally displayed, as well as their sagacity 
and judgment. After serious consultation together, the 
Governor returned a warning, signed by many of the com- 
pany, that their violent intentions were contrary both to 
the law of God and nature, and against that propagation of 
the Gospel which they were bound to seek, avoiding what- 
ever might prejudice that great object. The Governor bade 
them remember that their case was no worse than that of 
tiie Pilgrims at Plymouth, who had but httle corn left, and 
were forced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and 
such other things as naturally the country afforded ; all 
which things they had in abundance at Wessagusset, with 
oysters in addition ; and therefore necessity could not be 
said to constrain them to their intended violence. " More- 
over, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, 
all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, 
and then they must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, 
having made the Indians their enemies, would be very diffi- 
cult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little 
the sooner, and so continue their peace; after which course 
they might with good conscience desire and expect the 
blessing of God ; whereas on the contrary they could not." 

This friendly advice and warning changed, for the pre- 
sent, the resolution and temper of the adventurers ; but by 
the month of March the plantation was utterly broken up 
in less than a year after it was started. "And this," re- 
marked Governor Bradford, "is the end of those, who being 
all able men, had boasted of their strength, and what they 
would bring to pass, in comparison of the people of Ply- 
mouth, who had many women, children, and weak ones 
with them." 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 283 

Up to the month of April, the pressure of want among 
the Pilgrims continued, and now was increasing. "No 
supply being heard of, nor knowing when to expect any, 
we consider how to raise a better crop, and not languish 
still in misery." It was determined that at this seedtime, 
every family should plant for themselves, and even the wo- 
men and children went into the field to work, so that more 
corn was planted than ever. 

" But by the time our corn was planted, our victuals are 
spent : not knowing at night where to have a bit in the 
moi-ning, and have neither bread nor corn for three or four 
months together : yet bear our wants with cheerfulness, and 
rest on Providence. 

" Having but one boat left, we divided our men into seve- 
ral companies, six or seven in each : who take their turns 
to go out with a net and fish, and return not till they get 
some, though they be five or six days out ; knowing there's 
nothing at home, and to return empty would be~a great 
discouragement. When they stay long or get but little, 
the rest go a digging shell-fish. And thus we live the sum- 
mer ; only sending one or two to range the woods for deer, 
they now and then get one, which we divide among the 
company ; and in the winter are helped with fowl and 
ground-nuts." 

By the middle of July the colonists seemed brought 
to the end of all their hopes, almost to utter desperation. 
" Notwithstanding our great pains and hopes of a large 
crop, God seems to blast them and threaten sorer famine 
by a great drought and heat, from the third week in May 
to the middle of this month, so as the corn withers, both the 
blade and stalk, as if it were utterly dead. Our beans also 
ran not up according to their wonted manner, but stood at 
a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been 
scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown 
and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning." 

To add to their distress they heard of a ship in which 



284 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

supplies were coming to them from England being in com- 
pany with another ship only 300 leagues from the coast? 
and ihen for three months waited for her in vain, beholding 
nothing but the signs of a wreck upon the shore, which 
they judged must be the ruins of that ship. All things put 
together, it seemed as if God had turned against the colony, 
and would be favorable no more. 

Yet they were not so discouraged as not to wait upon 
God, but so as to wait only upon him. To him, as their 
sole refuge, they fled, individually and unitedly. 

" These and the like considerations," says Mr. Winslow, 
" moved not only every good man privately to enter jnto 
examination with his own estate between God and his con- 
science, and so to humiliation before him, but also more 
solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by 
fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by 
public authority, and set apart from all other employments ; 
hoping that the same God which had stirred us up hereun- 
to, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon 
us, and grant the request of our dejected souls, if oui' conti- 
nuance there might stand with his glory and our good. But 
Oh the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear as 
we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we were as- 
sembled together, the heavens were as clear and the drought 
as like to continue as ever it was, yet (our exercise conti- 
nuing some eight or nine hours) before our departure the 
weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all 
sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sw^eet 
and moderate showers of rain, and mixed with such sea- 
sonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our wither- 
ed corn or drooping affections were most quickened or re- 
vived. Such was the bounty and goodness of our God." 

Perhaps a more remarkable instance of God's interposi- 
tion in answer to prayer is not to be found on record. The 
showers came, said Governor Bradford, " without any thun- 
der, wind, or violence, and by degrees and that abundance 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 285 

that the earth was thoroughly soaked, and the decayed 
corn and other fruits so revived as was wonderful to see, 
the Indians were astonished to behold, and gave a joyful 
prospect of a fruitful harvest." The interposition was as 
clearly from God as when Elijah prayed of old and the 
heavens gave rain, and the earth brought forth her fruits. 

It happened that the day when this solemn fast was ap- 
pointed, and the whole Colony were assembled in prayer, 
a number of the Indians were in at the Pilgrim settlement, 
among whom was Hobbamock, or Hobomok, the friend of 
the colonists, and who died, as some earnestly hoped, a be- 
liever in the Pilgrims' God. Hobbamock and the Indians, 
observing these holy exercises in the middle of the week, 
remarked that it was but three days since Sunday, and 
could not tell what it could mean. Hobbamock demanded 
the reason of a boy whom he met, and, being told, commu- 
nicated it to the natives ; and their astonishment may easi- 
ly be conceived, when, having been instructed as to the 
purpose of the day and its services, as a time for the Pil- 
grims to humble themselves before their God, and to seek 
his mercy in prayer for rain, they saw what followed ; saw 
the clouds gather and the rain begin to fall. " He and all 
of them," says Mr. Winslow, " admired the goodness of our 
God towards us, that wrought so great a'change in so short 
a time," And well they might admire it. Even their own 
dark belief in the Great Spirit made them feel that it was 
the Pilgrims' God, hearing, answering, and providing for 
them. 

If the excellent Robinson had heard of this affecting in- 
terposition and proof of God's goodness, and its effect upon 
the minds of the savages, what tenderness and grief he 
must have felt when he wrote to the Church in regard to 
the first Indians killed in the conflict with Standish in March 
at Wessagusset, " O how happy a thing had it been, that 
you had converted some, before you killed any !" But the 
missionary spirit of the Pilgrims was destined not to bear 



286 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

its fruits in the immediate conversion of the natives, till the 
coming and apostoHc labors of Elliot. And why may we 
not regard that remarkable man as an instrument raised up 
and made successful in answer to the Pilgrims' prayers ? 
The same God who provided them rain when they plead- 
ed for it, opened for them, when his set time had come, 
doors wide and effectual for the power of his word, even 
among the Indians. 

None ever yet, with sincere purpose of heart, and a low- 
ly spirit, appointed a Fast-Day, but God changed it into a 
Thanksgiving. In addition to the reviving rains, the Colo- 
ny was comforted by the return of Captain Standish, whom 
the Governor had sent away to buy provisions ; and they 
also learned that the ship was safe, which they had suppos- 
ed wrecked with their supplies, and would soon come to 
them. 

"So that," says- Mr. Winslow, "having these many 
signs of God's favor and acceptation, we thought it would 
be great ingratitude if secretly we should smother up the 
same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for 
that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And 
therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed 
for that end ; M^herein we returned glory, honor, and praise 
with all thankfulness, to our good God, which deals so gra- 
ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his 
mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by them be 
blessed and praised now and evermore. Amen." 

In the Charlestown Records, as published by Dr. Young 
in his Chronicles of Massachusetts, we find a similar change 
of a Fast-Day into Thanksgiving in the Massachusetts 
Colony. It was in 1831. The winter had come on, and pro- 
visions were so scanty, that the colonists had to live upon 
clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns, and these got with 
much difficulty in the winter season. The last batch of 
bread was in the Governor's oven. " But God, who de- 
lights to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 287 

at this time ; for before the very day appointed to seek the 
Lord by fasting and prayer, in comes Mr. Pearce (in a ship 
from Ireland) laden with provisions. Upon which occasion 
the Fast-Day was changed, and ordered to be kept as a Day 
of Thanksgiving ; when provisions were by the Governor 
distributed unto the people proportionable to their neces- 
sities.' "* 

The Day of Thanksgiving appointed by the Plymouth 
Pilgrims was kept out of the fulness of their hearts, for it 
was a marvellous change which God had wrought for them 
in answer to prayer. A blessing so public and so great 
they would not smother up in mere private acknowledg- 
ments, but the whole Colony were gathered into their meet- 
ing-house in the timber-fort upon the hill, where not only 
their Elder, Mr. Brewstei', discoursed to them concerning 
God's goodness, but the Governor himself, according to his 
frequent wont, would exhort them that with such a faithful, 
covenant-keeping God they should never yield to unbelief 
or fear. 

Soon after this day of thanksgiving their hearts were fur- 
ther gladdened with the sight of two ships with supplies en- 
tering their harbor, one of them perhaps the very next 
morning, bringing an addition of men to the colony ; some 
of them good men and true, " but others so bad," said 
Governor Bradford, " that we were forced to be at the 
charge to send them home next year." 

When these passengers saw their poor and low condi- 
tion ashore, they were much dismayed and full of sadness. 
They had ever been accustomed to good fare and many 
blessings, and were not prepared by God's discipline to 
join in days of thanksgiving amidst seasons of adversity. 
" Only our old friends," continues Governor Bradford, " re- 
joiced to see us, and that it was no worse, and now hoped 
we should enjoy better days together. The best dish we 

* Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 3S5. 



288 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

could present them with was a lobster or piece of fish with- 
out bread or anything else but a cup of fair spring water : 
and the long continuance of this diet, with our labors abroad, 
has somewhat abated the freshness of our complexion ; but 
God gives us health." 

" Now our harvest came," added Governor Bradford, un- 
der date of September ; " instead of famine we had plenty, 
and the face of things was changed to the joy of our hearts ; 
nor has there been any general want of food among us 
since to this day ;" from September, 1623, to the close of 
the year 1646, up to which Governor Bradford carried his 
history. 

Such is the account of the first days of Fasting and 
Thanksgiving in New England. The record of God's in- 
terpositions amidst actual and threatening famine, with the 
thanksgiving afterwards, formed an episode by itself, in the 
early annals of our Pilgrim Fathers, beautifully illustrative 
of God's goodness and of their faith. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



THE FfRST NEW ENGLAND COUNCIL, CHURCH ORGANIZATION, 
AND ORDINATION. 

The contrast between the first and second colonizings of 
New England, between the settlement at Plymouth and 
that at Salem and Boston, deserves to be noted. It seemed 
as if God, by the baptism of suffering through which he led 
the first band of Pilgrims, had inspired the spirit of death 
to self in those who came after them. But the difference 
was wide in their external appointments and prospects. 
The first Pilgrim voyage in 1620 was in the little vessel of 
the May Flower, with one hundred souls in all, of whom 
half died within five months. The second emigration in 
1630 was in four ships out of a fleet of eleven, the other 
seven being destined to the same expedition, but not yet 
quite ready for sea ; the ships dignified as Admiral, Vice- 
Admiral, Rear- Admiral, and Captain ; the first being the 
Arabella, of 350 tons, manned with fifty-two seamen and 
twenty-eight guns. Fifteen hundred persons embarked 
that season for Massachusetts. The colony at Boston 
endured a devastating sickness, and then about a hundred 
of the colonists fled back to England, relinquishing the 
enterprise at the first thickening difficulties. Among them 
were some in whom the colony confided as its main and 
sure supporters. 

13 



290 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTUATIONS 

There had been one settler before them at Boston, Mr. 
WilUam Blackstone, a Puritan Minister of the English 
Church, of such large and determined principles of liberty 
and independence that he found the colony itself afterwards 
too intolerant for him, and would not be connected with 
the church. " I came from England," said he, " because 
I did not like the Lord-Bishops : and I cannot join with 
you, because I would not be under the Lord-Brethren." 
This company of colonists were full of affectionate and 
forgiving remembrance of their Mother Church, and they 
besought an interest still in her prayers in Old England ; 
promising a return of the same, " when we shall be in our 
poor cottages in the wilderness, overshadowed with the 
spirit of supplication through the manifold necessities and 
tribulations, which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor 
we hope unprofitably befall us." 

How beautiful is this recognition of the great principle of 
God's dispensations with his people, to make them, like the 
Captain of their Ssdvaiion, perfect through suffering! They 
were to be overshadowed with tlie great spirit of supplica- 
tion through the sufferings awaiting them in the wilderness ! 
The tribute paid by the historian Grahame to the noble 
character of this consecrated band is so just both for them 
and the Plymouth Pilgrims, and so eloquent in itself, that 
we shall quote a part of it. 

" Soon after the power of the adventurers to establish 
a colony was rendered complete by the royal charter, 
1st May, 1629, they equipped and despatched five ships for 
New England, containing three hundred and fifty emigrants, 
chiefly zealous Puritans, accompanied by some eminent 
Nonconformist ministers. The regrets which an eternal 
farewell to their native land was calculated to inspire, the 
distressing inconvenience of a long voyage to persons 
unaccustomed to the sea, and the formidable scene of toil 
and danger that confronted them in the barbarous land 
where so many preceding emigrants had found an untimely 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 291 

grave, seem to have vanished entirely from the minds of 
these men, supported by the worth and dignity of the 
design which they were combined to accompHsh. Their 
hearts were knit to each other by community of generous 
purpose ; and they experienced none of those jealousies 
which invariably spring up in confederacies for ends merely 
selfish, among persons unequally qualified to promote the 
object of their association. Behind them, indeed, was the 
land of their fathers ; but it had long since ceased to wear 
towards them a benign or paternal countenance ; and in 
forsaking it, they fled from the prisons and scaffolds to 
which Christians and patriots were daily consigned. Be- 
fore them lay a vast and dreary wilderness ; but they 
hoped to irradiate its gloom, by kindling and preserving 
there the sacred fire of religion and liberty."* 

This second colony came out beneath the authority of a 
charter, whereas the Plymouth colony had none. There 
was not, therefore, a second time transacted the august 
ceremony that passed in the cabin of the May Flower. 
One such self-constituting act of a free community was 
enough in the infancy of a nation. 

But although the colony of Massachusetts was not com- 
pelled in the same manner with that of the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth to throw itself upon a voluntary compact as a 
body politic, yet precisely in the same way did God lead 
them also into their religious form as an independent 
church. The history of their various conferences with the 
Plymouth colony is deeply interesting. There was among 
the Pilgrims a physician of ability and intelligence. Dr. 
Fuller, who had been a deacon in the Pilgrim church in 
Leyden, and, of course, held the same office in the Pilgrim 
church at Plymouth, Early in 1629, Governor Endicott 
was compelled, by the sickness prevailing in the little com- 
pany at Salem, to send to Governor Bradford for the 
services of Dr. Fuller. The Doctor seems to have been a 
• Graharae's Colonial History, vol. i. 213. 



292 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

man of large education, and thoroughly grounded in the 
reason and practice of Congregationalism as it was esta- 
blished in Mr. Robinson's church. During his stay at 
Salem for the healing of the people, he had no little con- 
ference with Mr. Endicott concerning the discipline of that 
church, and found his mind already strongly attracted 
towards it. The fruit of their conversations may be 
gathered from the friendly Christian letter of Mr. Endicott 
to Governor Bradfoi'd, of May 11th, 1629, which was as 
follows : " Right worshipful sir : It is a thing not usual, that 
servants to one master, and of the same household, should 
be strangers to one another. I assure you I desire it not ; 
nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's 
people are marked with one and the same mark, and have, 
for the main, one and the same heart, and are guided by 
one and the same spirit of Truth ; and wheresoever this is, 
there can be no discord, nay, but a sweet harmony. And 
this same request with you I make to the Lord, that we, 
as Christian brethren, may be united by hearty and un- 
feigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in further- 
ing a work which is beyond our strength, with reverence 
and fear, fastening our eyes always on Him that is only 
able to direct and prosper all our ways. 

" I acknowledge myself most bound to you for your kind 
love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice 
much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments 
of the outer form of God's worship. It is as far as I can yet 
gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of 
truth : and the same which I have preferred and main- 
tained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto 
me ; being far from the common report that hath been 
spread of you touching that particular : but God's children 
must not look for less here below, and it is a great mercy 
of Go I that He strengthens them to go through it."* 

Meantime there had sailed from England, May 4th and 
May 11th, 1629, the three first ships for the Salem Colony, 

•Governor Bradford's Letter Book. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 293 

" being all three full of godly passengers, with the four 
ministers for the Massachusetts."* The ministers were 
Messrs. Skelton, Higginson, and Bright, the latter having 
been trained up under Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Smith, 
afterwards settled over the Pilgrim Church at Plymouth. 
They arrived June 24th, and now the first business which 
occupied the care of the Governor and the Colonists was 
the Covenant of the Church and the ordaining of its minis- 
try. The 20th of July was appointed by the Governor as 
a day of solemn prayer with fasting, for the trial and 
choice of a Pastor and teacher. The forenoon they spent 
in prayer, and in witnessing the exercise of the gifts of 
the candidates in Teaching, and the afternoon in their 
examination and election, which issued in the choice of Mr. 
Skelton Pastor, and Mr. Higginson Teacher. Upon their 
acceptance of the charge, Mr. Higginson, with three or 
four more of the gravest members of the church, laid their 
hands upon Mr. Skelton with solemn prayer, and then Mr. 
Skelton and some others performed the same ceremony 
with Mr. Higginson. They then appointed Thursday, the 
6th of August, as another day of prayer and fasting for the 
choice and ordination of Elders and Deacons. The same 
day the church were to enter into Covenant. They were 
thirty in number who were thus to be constituted or or- 
ganized. Mr. Higginson drew up for them a Confession 
of Faith, and a Church Covenant, according to Scripture, 
of which thirty copies were written out, and one delivered 
to every member. The Church at Plymouth was invited 
to be present by their messengers, to give their advice and 
assistance in this important solemnity. 

When the day came, they first listened to the sermons of 
the two ministers, together with the usual exercises of 
prayer. Then in the afternoon the Confession and Cove- 
nant were read in the public- assembly, and solemnly by 
the members assumed. They then proceeded to the cere- 
* Prince, 184, 185. 



294 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

mony of ordination, which was performed with prayer and 
the laying on of the hands of certain of the brethren ap- 
pointed by the Church for that purpose. This they did 
with Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higginson, although they were 
both before ordained by Bishops in the Church of England, 
They were now ordained by those who chose them for 
their ministers.* 

In the midst of these ceremonies, Governor Bradford 
and the other delegates from the Church of the Pilgrims 
at Plymouth presented themselves. They had set sail in 
good time from Plymouth, but had been detained by ad- 
verse winds ; yet happily arrived in season to give the 
Right Hand of Fellowship to their sister church, and to 
unite with them in prayer and praise for God's blessing. 
This was a sacred and remarkable day. It was the first 
ceremony of the kind ever transacted on this Continent. 
In its simplicity and sole dependence upon Christ, it had a 
dignity and true grandeur, which could not be found in all 
the gorgeous array of pomp and circumstance borrowed 
in the English Establishment from the Romish Church. 

And on what occasion of Hierarchical grandeur was 
there ever a form or a document made use of, to be com- 
pared in value or in beauty with the following admirable 
Covenant ? We here present it as given in Mather's 
Magnalia ; the Covenant of the first Church of Christ ever 
organized in America. Not the first church ever 171 
America, nor the first Independent or Congregational 
Church in New England ; this last claim belongs to the 
Pilgrim Church at Plymouth, which was a church already 
in being and form, before its members landed from the 
May Flower ; but the first church organized in New 
England was that church at Salem, in 1629. And the fol- 
lowing is doubtless the first Church Covenant ever drawn 
up in America. 

* Prince, 1S9, 191. — Mather's Magnalia, vol. i. GO. — Grahame's Colonial 
History, vol. i. 214, 215. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 295 

*• We covenant with our Lord, and one with another ; 
and we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk 
together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to re- 
veal himself unto us in His blessed Word of Truth, and 
do explicitly, in the name and fear of God, profess and 
protest to walk as followeth, through the power and grace 
of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be 
his people, in the truth and simplicity of our spirits. 

We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the 
Word of his Grace, for the teaching, ruling, and sanctify- 
ing of us, in matters of worship and conversation ; resolv- 
ing to cleave unto Him alone for life and glory, and to 
reject all contrary ways, canons, and constitutions of men 
in worship. 

We promise to walk with our brethren with all watch- 
fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, 
backbitings, censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit 
against them ; but in all offences to follow the rule of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, and to bear and forbear, give and forgive, 
as he has taught us. 

In public or private we will willingly do nothing to the 
offence of the Church, but will be willing to take advice 
for ourselves and ours, as occasion shall be presented. 

We will not in the congregation be forward, either to 
show our gifts and parts, in speaking or scrupling ; or 
there discover the weaknesses or failings of our brethren, 
but attend an orderly call thereunto, knowing how much 
the Lord may be dishonored, and His gospel and the pro- 
fession of it slighted, by our distempers and weaknesses in 
public. 

We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the Gos- 
pel in all truth and peace, both in regard of those that are 
within or without; no way slighting our sister churches, 
but using their counsel as need shall be ; not laying a stum- 
bling block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good we 



296 HISTOKICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTBATIONS 

desire to promote, and so to converse, as we may avoid 
the very appearance of evil. 

We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful 
obedience to those that are over us in Church or Common- 
wealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will be to the Lord, 
that they should have encouragement in their places by our 
not grieving their spirits, through our irregularities. 

We resolve to approve ourselves to the Lord in our 
particular calling, shunning idleness as the bane of any 
state, nor will we deal hardly or oppressingly with any, 
wherein we are the Lord's stewards. 

Promising also to our best ability to teach our children 
and servants the knowledge of God and of his will, that 
they may serve him also ; and all this, not by any strength 
of our own, but by the Lord Jesus Christ, whose blood we 
desire may sprinkle this our Covenant, made in his name." 

It will be noted that a special guard is introduced into 
this admirable Christian agreement, against that forward- 
ness in the showing of gifts and parts, whether in speaking 
or scrupling, in regard to which there was a spice of 
anxiety and jealousy in reference to the Plymouth Church, 
lest the brethren there had gone to an unwarrantable 
extent of liberty. The truth is, that the Plymouth Church, 
having been for many years entirely separated from the 
Establishment, were entirely emancipated from its bon- 
dage. The Salem Church and ministers had been Non- 
conformists in England, but had not, till now, separated 
from the Establishment, and they were still trembling at 
the largeness of their liberty in Christ. Until they came 
to New England, and beheld the Plymouth Church in its 
simple New Testament freedom and purity, they do not 
seem to have been acquainted with the system of Congre- 
gationalism. But now the prediction of Robinson was 
fulfilled ; they saw the beauty and Scriptural order and 
freedom of that system, although at first with a little fear ; 
and here, on this common ground of deliverance from the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 297 

laws and persecutions of the Established Hierarchy, and 
of freedom to worship God under the sole rule of His 
Word, the Separatists and the Nonconformists became 
one ; or rather, not so much became one, as found them- 
selves to be already one, with really no points of difference 
between them. 

Dr. Bacon has finely remarked upon this agreement as a 
proof of the clear Christian discernment of Robinson ;* 
and Mr. Cotton declared, in reference to the accusation of 
having imitated the Plymouth model, that " there was no 
such thing as an agreement by any solemn or common 
consultation ; but that it was true they did, as if they had 
agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the 
help of Christ, the same model of Churches, one like to 
another ; and so if they of Plymouth had helped any of 
the first comers in their theory, by hearing and discussing 
their practices, therein the Scripture was fulfilled that the 
Kingdom of Heaven was like unto leaven, which a woman 
took and hid in three measures of meal, till the whole was 
leavened."f 

Mr. Winslow was at pains still more fully to show the 
falsehood of the charge that the successive Colonists " took 
Plymouth for their precedent as fast as they came ; " for 
this was not bestowing honor where it was due, and the 
credit of the establishment of those successive flourishing 
churches on that New Testament plan belonged to the 
Word of God only ; " our practice being, for aught we 
know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any 
addition or human invention known to us, taking our 
pattern from the primitive churches, as they were regulated 
by the blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught 
and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 
unerring and all knowing Spirit of God to bring to their 
remembrance the things they had heard." " 'Tis true," 

* Bacon's Historical Discourses, 14. 
t Governor Bradford's Dialogue, in Young's Chron. 426. 

13* 



S98 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

says Mr. Winslow, " some of them coming over to be 
freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in 
England, some of the chief of them advised with us how 
they should do to fall upon a right platform of worship, 
and desired to that end, since God had honored us to lay 
the foundation of a Commonwealth, and to settle a Church 
in it, to show them whereupon our practice was grounded ; 
and if they found upon due search it was built upon the 
Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. 
We accordingly showed them the primitive practice for 
our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the 
Epistles written to the several Churches by the said Apos- 
tles, together with the commandments of Christ the Lord 
in the Gospel, and other our warrants for every particular 
we did from the Book of God. Which being by them 
well weighed and considered, they also entered into cove- 
nant with God and one another to walk in all his ways, 
revealed, or as they should be made known unto them, and 
to worship Him according to His will revealed in his 
written Word only, so that here also thou mayest see they 
set not the Church at Plymouth before them for example, 
but the primitive churches were and are their and our 
mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy to 
be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them, 
who were sent immediately by Christ himself, and enabled 
and guided by the unerring Spirit of God. And truly this 
is a pattern fit to be followed of all that fear God, and no 
man or men to be followed further than they followed 
Christ and them." * 

It is truly remarkable how exactly these sentiments and 
declarations accorded with those of the earliest Puritan in 
England, Bishop Hooper, and how the complete reformation 
which he, at the cost of martyrdom, projected and pro- 
claimed, in the Old World, had here sprung up, two 
hundred years afterwards, well nigh perfected, in the New. 
* Winslow's Brief Narration, Young's Chron. 3S6. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 299 

It is no reproach of the dead man, said he (alluding to the 
authority of the Fathers, which he was boldly casting 
aside), " but mine opinion unto all the world, that the 
Scripture solely, and the Apostles' Church, is to be 

FOLLOWED, AND NO MAn's AUTHORITY, BE HE AuGUSTINE, 

Tertullian, OR EVEN Cherubim OR Seraphim." * Mine 
opinion unto all the world ! There is great grandeur in 
that declaration, from amidst the lighted torches and piled 
fagots of Rome. 

And the spirit of Hooper had fallen upon John Robin- 
son, and the Plymouth Church. This was his parting 
legacy on the verge of the sea. " Brethren, we are now 
quickly to part from one another ; and whether I may ever 
live to see your faces on earth any more, the God of 
Heaven only knows. But whether the Lord have ap- 
pointed that or no, I charge you before God, and before 
His blessed angels, that you follow me no further than you 
have seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ." 

* Bishop Hooper on the Authority of the Word, in his Declaration of 
Christ and His Office. 



CHAPTER XVIIL 



THE FIRST ATTEMPT AT SCHISM. RECALCITRATION OF THE 

ESTABLISHMENT. 

It was not likely that such a covenant as this, the prin- 
ciples of which it was clearly foreseen would govern the 
infant colony, could be entered into, among a body of 
adventurers of various views, and some of them of irreli- 
gious habits, without a jealous opposition. It was the 
future world predominating over the present, and it brought 
down the maxims and realities of that world into a practi- 
cal conflict with, and mastery over, the god, the habits, 
and the forms of this. Moreover it was a complete release 
of men's consciences from the church-and-state law 
and power of England ; it was the practice, under charter, 
of that religious freedom, which the Plymouth Pilgrims 
had settled without one. 

Now then there was at once an attempt on the part of 
the old hierarchy to resume its power. It was found that 
here into this covenanted church of Christ in the New 
World men were not to be admitted merely on the ground 
of National Church membership, and a sacramental oath in 
the Old World. It was found, to the amazement of some, 
that this new church of Christ had put itself on such a 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 301 

daring position of liberty and power under Christ's sole 
authority, without any regard to the will of the monarch, 
or the state, or the hierarchy, as to exclude all persons of 
scandalous lives from the table of the Lord and from the 
privileges of his covenant. It was found, moreover, that 
these ministers and this church not only could but would 
pray without a prayer-book, and that the Book of Common 
Prayer, which had been imposed by violence in England, 
was no more to bind them here, than the Book of Sports, 
which James, Charles, and Laud were making the gospel 
of the nation, or the May-pole itself, which Governor 
Endicott had cut down from Mount Dagon. It was dis- 
covered, in fine, that what was a poor, miserable, mere, 
outlawed, despised, down-trodden conventicle in England, 
was going to be, here in the wilderness, the sole, august, 
spiritual, beautiful Church of Christ, almost the Church 
Triumphant, instead of the Church Militant. It seemed, to 
those who had admired and relished the old order of things, 
as if here the Old Conventicle had become the Living^ 
Temple of God, while the Old Hierarchy would be regarded 
as nothing better than Satan's Conventicle. 

There was an uprising against all this, immediately. 
We shall give the account of it, first, in the words of 
Mr. Neal in his History of New England. 

" Some of the passengers, who came over with these 
first planters, observing that the ministers did not use the 
Book of Common Prayer ; that they administered Baptism 
and the Lord's Supper without the ceremonies [of the 
Liturgy of the Church of England]; that they refused to 
admit disorderly persons, and resolved to use discipline 
against all scandalous members of the church, set up a 
separate assembly, according to the usage of the Church of 
England. Of these Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother 
were the chief, the one a lawyer, and the other a merchant, 
both of them men of estates and figure, and of the number 
of the first patentees. The Governor, perceiving the dis- 



302 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

turbance that was like to arise on this occasion, sent for 
the two brothers, who accused the ministers as departing 
from the order of the Church of England, adding that they 
were Separatists, and would shortly be Anabaptists, but 
for themselves they would hold to the orders of the Church 
of England. The ministers replied that they were neither 
Separatists nor Anabaptists, that they did not separate 
from the Church of England, nor from the ordinances of 
God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders of 
that Church ; that they came away from the Common 
Prayer and Ceremonies, and had suffered much for their 
Nonconformity in their native land, and therefore, being in 
a place where they might have their liberty, they neither 
could nor would use them, because they judged the imposi- 
tions of these things to be sinful corruptions of the word of 
God. The Governor, the Council, and the people generally, 
approved of the ministers' answer ; but the two brothers, 
not being satisfied, and endeavoring to raise a mutiny 
among the people, were sent back to England by the 
return of the same ships that brought them over."* 

Thus far with the testimony of Mr. Neal, which in this 
matter is mainly drawn from that of Cotton Mather in his 
Magnalia. 

Let us now take the record of an admirable historian of 
our country, whose sympathies indeed, as a religious 
Scotchman of a free and generous mind, are with our Pil- 
grim Fathers, but who is confessed, on all hands, to have 
written with great fairness and impartiality, the testimony 
of Mr. Grahame, in his Colonial History of the United 
States. 

" Two brothers," he says, " of the name of Browne, one a 
lawyer and the other a merchant, both of them men of 
note, and among the original patentees, dissented from this 
constitution (of the Plymouth church as copied by the 
church at Salem), and arguing with great absurdity that all 
* Neal's History of New England, vol. i.. p. 129. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 303 

who adhered to it would infalUbly become Anabaptists, 
endeavored to procure converts to their opinion, and to 
estabUsh a separate congregation, on a model more 
approximated to the form of the Church of England. The 
defectiveness of their argument was supplied by the 
vehemence of their clamor; and they obtained a favorable 
audience from a few persons who regarded with unfriendly 
eye the discipline which the provincial church was disposed 
to exercise upon offenders against the rules of morality. 
Endicott, the Governor, called those men together with 
the ministers before a general assembly of the people, who, 
after hearing both parties, repeated their approbation of 
the system that had been established ; and as the two 
brothers still persisted in their attempts to create a schism 
in the church, and even endeavored to excite a mutiny 
against the government, they were declared unfit to remain 
in the colony, and compelled to re-embark and depart in 
the vessels in which they had accompanied the other emi- 
grants in the voyage from England. Their departure 
restored harmony to the colonists, who were endeavoring 
to complete their settlement, and extend their occupation 
of the country, when they were interrupted by the ap- 
proach of winter and the ravages of disease, which quickly 
deprived them of nearly one half of their number, but pro- 
duced no other change on their minds than to cause the 
sentiments of hope and fear to converge more steadily to 
the Author of their existence."* 

" Notwithstanding the censure," continues Mr. Grahame, 
" with which some writers have commented on the banish- 
ment of the two individuals whose case we have remarked, 
the justice of the proceeding must commend itself to the 
sentiments of all impartial men." 

Now this judgment is the more striking and trustworthy 
because it comes from a man who did not fail on other 
occasions to rebuke severely the spirit of intolerance, when 

* Grahame's Colonial History of the United States, vol. i., p. 216. 



304 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

he saw it displayed in the acts or temper of any of the 
Puritans. He adds that on the return of these men to 
England, when they preferred their complaint and accusa- 
tion against the colonists for oppression towards themselves 
and enmity to the Church of England, the total disregard 
which their complaint experienced confirms the opinion 
that the intendment of the Massachusetts Charter was to 
give the colonists unrestricted liberty to regulate their own 
ecclesiastical estate. They had, therefore, a legal right, 
as well as the right of equity, to return these disturbers of 
the peace to the bosom of that native establishment, the 
laws of which the disturbers would, if they could, have 
enforced upon the colony. 

We regard this opinion of the historian Grahame, in the 
case of these men, as a righteous and true judgment ; and 
we cannot but contrast it honorably with the sneer of the 
historian Bancroft, on the same occasion, " that the bless- 
ings of the promised land were to be kept for Puritanic 
Dissenters, and that these Brownes were banished from 
Salem because they were churchmen." 

If indeed this had been the case, it was a lesson taught 
by the churchmen themselves, who were just now endea- 
voring to prevent, for ever, any other lesson from being 
taught or learned, either in the New World or the Old. 
The truth is, if the blessings of the promised land, the 
blessings of religious liberty, had not been kept for Puri- 
tanic Dissenters, they would neither have been permftted 
to, nor enjoyed by, any other sects in the world. The 
sanctuary of these Puritanic Dissenters was the only place 
in the whole world where they could be enjoyed. Indeed, 
it was the only place where the nature of a perfect religious 
liberty was beginning to be understood. These blessings 
were not regarded as blessings by any others than these 
same Puritanic Dissenters. There were no others who 
saw far enough into the nature of the Gospel, and the pre- 
ciousness and glory of a free conscience, to esteem these 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 305 

things as the free and most precious gifts of God to man. 
Nay, these blessings of free church covenants, and a church 
free to exercise Christ's spiritual discipline upon scandalous 
persons, and free to pray without the Common Prayer 
Book, and to be baptized without the sign of the cross, and 
to exercise the gifts of brethren, without the soldiers of a 
High Commission committing them to prison, were re- 
garded as the superstitions of a knot of poor, pitiful, obsti- 
nate fanatics ; blessings which they of the Establishment 
not only did not loish to share, but would not leave quietly 
for the dissenters themselves to share. 

They had with great difficulty been prevailed upon to 
connive at this remon of New England becomin"' a sort of 

O o o 

Botany Bay for those who were punished as criminals 
against the Establishment ; and now they were endeavor- 
ing to bring the Establishment itself over into this very 
Botany Bay ; they were exclaiming against the exclusive- 
ness of these criminals in wishing to maintain that freedom 
which had been connived at, and for the enjoyment of which 
they had suffered themselves to be transported like crimi- 
nals, from their native land. Perhaps, if we look fairly at 
both sides of the point before us, we shall find that these 
men were not banished because they were churchmen, but 
because they would not suffer others quietly to be dissent- 
ers. It was evident, beyond question, to the foresight of 
Governor Endicott, that they were just introducing, with 
the whole weight of the regal and ecclesiastical despotism 
of England on their side, the same exclusive and tyrannical 
system here, which had ground the Nonconformists into 
powder there. Let them get footing with their Common 
Prayer Book and Rubrics, and their accusations against the 
Pilgrim Ministers and churches, of Separatism and disobe- 
dience, rebellion and dissent, and how long would it have 
been, before King Charles's and Archbishop Laud's troops 
would have been transported from England into America, 
to dragoon these rebels into submission, and to sustain here 



306 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

likewise the oppressive Hierarchical system, in all its power 
and grandeur ? 

The colonists had fled from the despotism of that system 
in England ; they were wise and just not to admit it here, 
nor even an entering wedge for it. It was as a ferocious 
wild beast, whom they could not conquer there, though they 
could happily fly beyond the reach of his violence here. 
And now, shall they be accused of intolerance, simply be- 
cause here, where they could confine him, they would not 
let him go at large ; or because here they shut him up in 
a vessel, and transported him back to his original, national 
menagerie ? 

" I will be tolerant of everything else," said Mr. Coleridge, 
" but every other man's intolerance." Now here it was 
plainly the intolerance of others, not their religion, of which 
Governor Endicott would not be tolerant. And in this 
thing he and the colonists were evidently guided by Infinite 
wisdom. For, if the churchmen had been permitted to go 
on, there would have been an end to this sanctuary of free- 
dom in the wilderness. There would have been no New 
England in existence, in the history of which there should 
be scope for a sneer at the piety, or the freedom, or the 
superstition of its founders. Their not being suflered to go 
on, is the reason why they, and all other sects, even Bun- 
yan's Giant Grim, with his nails pared, are here in quiet now. 
God, in his gracious divine providence, would not sufl'er 
any others than the persecuted Puritanic Dissenters to get 
footing here, until both in the Old World and the New the 
great lesson of religious liberty had been more fully taught 
and understood. He had much light yet for Cromwell and 
the Independents of England to pour upon this question. 
The sneers at the course of our Pilgrim Fathers are sneers 
against the providence of God and the freedom of man. 

If the Brownes had been permitted to go on in iheir fac- 
tious course, the formal church, which they were seeking 
to set up, must have been an Established Church ; it must 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 307 

have been a church, which, so soon as it got power, would 
have put down every other church as a Conventicle, would 
have compelled every other church to conform to it. And 
it would have got power immediately. A single petition 
to the Church and Government of England for aid would 
have brought over a commission from Laud and Charles, 
charged with power to uproot the dissenting heresy from 
its foundations. So that, whether it were the wisdom and 
foresight of Endicott and his coadjutors, or their mere fana- 
ticism, or not, that produced their course of conduct on this 
occasion, it was the salvation of that colony, it was the pre- 
servation of New England liberty from extinction in the 
bud. It was the providential wisdom and goodness of God, 
guarding the system which the Puritans were seeking to 
establish ; preserving the newly planted Vine from the boar 
out of the woods and the wild boar out of the Establish- 
ment, that they should not devour it. Our fathers were too 
vigilant and wise to tolerate in their infant church and 
state what they saw plainly would utterly destroy its free- 
dom, and make it in the end merely a branch of the 
Church-and-State system of England. 

That their conclusions were true, that their foresight was 
timely, that their course was the only course which a true 
regard to the freedom of the colony admitted, is fully 
proved by what, within a very short period, did take place 
under Laud ; by the imprisonment of Winslow, and the 
High Commission under Laud for overthrowing completely 
the Puritan churches of New England, and establishing the 
English church upon their ruins ; a thing which most cer- 
tainly would have been accomplished, if meanwhile there 
had been but the very commencement of an Episcopal 
church, under government of the Establishment, already 
planted. Viewed as a mutinous effort against the Govern- 
ment, the movement of these Brownes was most justly re- 
strained and prevented by the Government ; viewed as 
simply and merely an attempt to set up the Church of Eng- 



308 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

land, and thus put down Separation and Dissent, the course 
pursued by the Government must be regarded as an act of 
pure self-defence, and they must be confessed to have ex- 
ercised great wisdom in transporting those men back to 
the enjoyment of the Establishment in their own country. 
It was fully proved that the Church and Dissent would not 
be tolerated together by the Government of England. 
Dissent had fled to New England and gained possession of 
a place, where, by itself, it could live at liberty. When 
the Established Church came also, it was really a question 
which should be expelled. The right of previous possession 
alone, were that all which could be urged in the premises, 
would decide the case in favor of the right of the Puritanic 
Dissenters. 

Dr. Bacon remarks, that as to the principle of requiring a 
sympathy with the great design of the plantation in those 
who were admitted to share its power and privileges, and 
a membership in the simple Church of Christ, out of which 
it was constituted, one simple fact, which the Fathers 
knew right well, is the vindication of their policy. " They 
knew that as soon as they should have built their houses, 
and got their lands under cultivation, as soon as they should 
have got enough of what was taxable and titheable to excite 
covetousness, the King would be sending over his needy 
profligates to govern them, and the Archbishop his sur- 
pliced commissaries to gather the tithes into his storehouse. 
Knowing this, they were resolved to leave no door open 
for such an invasion. They came hither to establish a free 
Christian commonwealth ; and to secure that end, they de- 
termined that in their commonwealth none should have any 
civil power, who either would not or could not enter at the 
door of Church Fellowship. They held themselves bound, 
they said, to establish such civil order as might best con- 
duce to the securing the purity and peace of the ordinances 
for themselves and their posterity. When they introduced 
the principle, it was not for the sake of bestowing honors 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 309 

or privileges upon piety, but for the sake of guarding their 
liberty, and securing the end for w^hich they had made 
themselves exiles. If you call their adoption of this prin- 
ciple fanaticism, it is to be remembered that the same fana- 
ticism runs through the history of England. How long 
has any man in England been permitted to hold any office 
under the crown, without being a communicant in the 
Church of England 1 Call it fanaticism if you will. To 
that fanaticism which threw off the laws of England, and 
made these colonies Puritan Commonwealths, we are in- 
debted for our existence as a distinct and independent 
nation."* 

* Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 27. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



SLANDERS AGAINST THE COLONY. LAUD S HIGH COMMISSION TO 

OVERTURN ITS CHURCH AND GOVERNMENT. THE CASE OF 

MR. WINSLOW'S IMPRISONMENT. THE CASE OF MR. ENDICOTT. 

AND THE RED ROYAL ENSIGN. 

To show the correctness of the preceding vieM^s, nothing 
more is requisite than just to glance at the attempts really 
made, and the steps actually taken from time to time, to 
set up a church despotism in the colonies under Archbishop 
Laud ; attempts signally defeated by the good Providence 
of God, but which to all human appearance would have 
been successful, had there been a single Established Church 
set up in New England. The exclusion of the Episcopal 
Hierarchy for the present from the colonies was the only 
guarantee by which New England was looked to from 
abroad as being, in the words of Hallam, a secure place of 
refuge from present tyranny, and a boundless prospect for 
future hope. Hallam says that in 1638, hopeless of the 
civil and religious liberties of England, there were men of 
high rank, and of capacious and commanding minds, such 
as Jay, Hazlerig, Brooke, Hampden, and Cromwell, pre- 
paring to embark for America, when Laud, for his own 
and his master's cause, procured an order of council to 
stop their departure. He quotes the royal proclamation, 
and remarks that any trackless wilderness seemed better 



PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCKS, AND PERSONS. 31 1 

than Laud's tyranny, and that the views of" the Archbishop 
were not so much directed to the security of Church and 
Crown against disaffected men, as to the gratification of 
his own maUgnant humor in persecuting them.* 

Already, as early as the year 1633, an order had been 
made in council forbidding the departure of a number of 
ships then ready to sail for New England with passengers 
and provisions, " because of the resorting thither of divers 
persons known to be ill affected not only with civil but 
ecclesiastical government at home ; whereby such con- 
fusion and distraction is already grown there, in New 
England, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin 
of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal 
both of Church and State here." This grew out of the 
slanders perpetrated against the colony by men who had 
been punished in it, or banished from it, for their crimes 
and immoralities, such as the notorious Morton, the servant 
Ratcliffe, and Sir Christopher Gardiner. Their gross 
falsehood was proven, and the order, though headed by 
Archbishop Laud himself, was not executed, but even the 
king declared that the slanderers should be severely 
punished. t 

The slanderers and petitioners against the colony were 
instigated by Sir F. Gorges and Captain Mason, who 
wished for a general government over New England ; and 
in their petition they charged both colonies with intended 
rebellion, that they meant to be wholly separate from the 
Church and laws of England, and that their ministers and 
people did continually rail against the State, the Church, 
and the bishops. Messrs. Cradock, Salstonstall, and Hum- 
phrey, who were then in England, answered the accusa- 
tions on the part of the company so triumphantly that 
nothing could be done against them. J 

* Hallam'3 Constitutional History of England, p. 270. 

t See a copy of the order in Hubbard, p. 152. 

X Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony, p. 207, vol. i. 



312 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Nevertheless, it was remarkable that that order in coun- 
cil should have failed ; for Laud came into his archbishopric 
this year, and was carrying everything before him ; and 
this was the year of his infamous cruelties against Prynne, 
Bastwick, and Burton. Moreover he was already stretching 
the arm of his power beyond seas, and the Puritanic refuge 
from his wrath and zeal in America he hated with a raging 
bitterness. This was the year in which Cotton fled to 
New England, the Earl of Dorset having sent him word 
that if he had been guilty of drunkenness, uncleanness, or 
any such lesser fault, he could have got his pardon, but the 
sin of Puritanism and Nonconformity was unpardonable, 
and therefore he must fly for his safety.* 

The commission by the King to Archbishop Laud in 
1635, was a high commission of despotic power over the 
whole colony. It was in fact the establishment of an ir- 
I'esponsible ecclesiastical and civil despotism, with authority 
in reference to the canons and customs of the church, and 
appointment and maintenance of the clergy, to inflict 
punishment upon all offenders or violators of the constitu- 
tion and ordinances, either by imprisonment or other 
restraint, or by loss of life or member, according as the 
quality of the oflTence shall require ; with power to remove 
governors and presidents, and appoint others, and punish 
delinquents ; power to ordain temporal judges and civil 
magistrates, and also, judges, magistrates, and officers for 
and concerning courts ecclesiastical ; and power to con- 
stitute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice both ec- 
clesiastical and civil. 

This despotic commission had been brewing for a long 
time, the Archbishop and King Charles having received 
many complaints of the divers sects and schisms alleged to 
be among the colonists, and of the spirit of liberty and 
independence thus growing up, so that it was said they 
would at that rate, ere long, take the royal jurisdiction itself 
* Neal's Hist. Puritans, vol. ii. p. 279. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 313 

into their own hands, as they had ah*eady done the ec- 
clesiastical government. Laud and the King were resolved 
to put a stop to all this, and to bring the colony under the 
supreme dominion of the Established Church. Had there 
been a branch of the Establishment set up in New Eng- 
land, beyond question this eftbrt would have been made 
much earlier, and might have been successful. As it was, 
and in spite of an earnest and free remonstrance on the 
part of Massachusetts, things proceeded so far, that a writ 
of quo loam-anto was brought by Sir John Banks, the 
King's Attorney General, against the Governor, deputy 
Governor, and assistants of the Corporation of the Massa- 
chusetts ; the charter was disclaimed, and judgment was 
given for the King, that the liberties and franchises of the 
said Corporation of the Massachusetts should be seized 
into the king's hands.* Orders in council followed, and a 
letter was sent revoking the patent ; but there the mischief 
stopped, and it would seem from Governor Bradford's 
account, mainly through Mr. Winslow's instrumentality 
in the execution of his agency for the colonies. It was 
more remarkable now than before that Laud's plans should 
have been thwarted, for he was in the very plenitude of 
almost unrestricted power, and at the height of his malig- 
nant persecuting fury. It was the protecting Providence 
of God. 

We will begin the description of Winslow's collision 
with the Archbishop by an extract from Gov. Winthrop's 
Journal in October of 1G35, where we find it recorded that 
Mr. Winslow, the late Governor of Plymouth, being this 
year in England, petitioned the council there for a com- 
mission to withstand the intrusion of the French and 
Dutch, which was likely to take effect. Governor Winthrop 
justly says here that the petition was undertaken by ill 
advice, for that such precedents might endanger their 

* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Appendix, p. 440. 
t Hubbard's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ch. xxxvi. p. 272. 

14 



314 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

liberties, as they should be permitted to do nothing thence- 
forward but by commission out of England. " However, 
the Archbishop being incensed against Mr. Winslow, as 
against all these plantations, informed the rest that he was 
a separatist and so forth, and that he did marry and so 
forth, and therefore got him committed ; but after some 
few months he petitioned the board and was discharged."* 
And a marvel it was that he escaped so easily, as we shall 
see on following out this account more fully from the 
detail given by Governor Bradford. 

Governor Bradford says that on this agency for the 
colonies Mr. Winslow encountered the slanders of their 
old enemies, Morton, Gardiner, and others, whose ends 
were the subversion and overthrow of the churches, 
and a new and general government. Sir F. Gorges, by 
Archbishop Laud's lavor, was to have been sent over 
Governor-General into the country, and to have had 
means from the State for that end, and was now upon 
dispatch and conclusion of the business. And the Arch- 
bishop's intent was by his means, and some he should 
send with him, who were to be furnished with episcopal 
power, to disturb the peace of the churches, to overthrow 
their proceedings, and prevent their further growth. Mr. 
Winslow's petition came to nothing, as to its immediate 
point, by the influence of the Archbishop ; but nevertheless, 
by God's providence, the whole plot and business of the 
Archbishop and Gorges fell to the ground by what trans- 
pired through Winslow's evidence and petition.-}- 

The suit of Winslow had, it seems, been granted, after 
several examinations before the lords commissioners for 
the plantations in America, the main point being a warrant 
of right to the English Colonies to defend themselves 

* Gov. Winthrop's Journal under 1635, p. 69. 
" t Morton's New England Memorial, 170. Hutchinson, Hist. Massachu- 
setts, vol. ii. 409. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 315 

against all foreign enemies ; and it was just about to be 
confirmed, when Archbishop Laud put a stop to it. Mr. 
Winslow then again resorted to the board of Commission- 
ers, but meanwhile the Archbishop, with Gorges and 
Mason, had got Morton to renew his complaints and slanders. 
These were so thoroughly answered by Mr. Winslow, 
that the board checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, 
besides blaming Gorges and Mason for countenancing him. 
But now the Archbishop had another card to play, to 
which he was well accustomed ; he entered on an inquisi- 
torial examination of Mr. Winslow himself as to his con- 
duct as a magistrate and church-member in the Colony. 
In the first place he was accused of the crime of teaching 
in the church publicly, and Morton gave evidence that he 
had seen and heard him do it ; and to this Mr. Winslow 
answered that sometimes, in the absence and default of a 
minister, he did exercise his own gift to help the edification 
of his brethren when they wanted better means, which 
was not often. This exercising of gifts by men not in the 
Established Church Ministry was one of the Archbishop's 
mortal enmities ; he would rather have a raging pestilence 
in the church; and now, after laboring with such thirsty 
diligence to exterminate every such practice and liberty in 
England, the sight of a freeman before him, not in prison, 
who plainly avowed that at home he was in the habit of 
exercising his gifts, if they were needed, was as detestable 
as that of Mordecai to Haman. 

In the next place the Archbishop questioned him about 
the acts of his magistracy, especially his taking authority 
to perform the ceremony of marriage. As to this Mr. 
Winslow also confessed that having been called to the 
place of magistracy, he had sometimes married some ; and 
further told their lordships that marriage was a civil thing, 
and that he found nowhere in the Word of God that it was 
tied to a minister ; again, they were necessitated so to do, 
having for a long time together at first no minister ; besides, 



316 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

it was no new thing, for he had been so married himself in 
Holland, by the magistrates in their State-house. 

Here was, indeed, a case for the Archbishop ; and 
though the time was near when he could no longer have 
all things at his pleasure by the King's will, even in Eng- 
land, and the hour of retribution was hastening for his long 
course of cruelty, yet he still had such excessive authority 
to carry his tyranny into execution, that by vehement im- 
portunity he prevailed with the board of Commissioners to 
consent to Mr. Winslow's punishment, so that he was forth- 
with carried to the Fleet prison, and there lay seventeen 
weeks or thereabouts, before he could get released. If 
Archbishop Laud could have had his way, he would have 
imprisoned or decapitated the whole colony ; but by God's 
good providence they were beyond his reach, for his hands 
were soon too full of roused adversaries in England, the 
victims of his oppression, to leave him at leisure to put up 
his gallows for Mordecai, or to execute his designs in the 
New World. This imprisonment of Winslow was one 
of the most outrageous acts of his despotism, and it shows 
what he would have done with the religious liberties of 
the colonies in New England, if by the existence of the 
Hierarchy, or any small shoot of it there, he could have 
had any plausible pretence for the establishment of supreme 
Ecclesiastical authority. 

On the whole, we think, instead of abusing Mr. Endicott 
for his action in the premises, in sending the Brownes back 
to England, the impartial historian must regard him as the 
insti'ument of a Divine protecting providence for the salva- 
tion of the colony from an Ecclesiastical despotism. En- 
dicott is spoken of in Johnson's Wonderworking Provi- 
dence as " the much honored Mr. John Indicat, who came 
over with them to govern ; a fit instrument to begin this 
wilderness work, of courage bold, undaunted, yet sociable, 
and of a cheerful spirit, loving and austere, applying him- 
self to either, as occasion served." Bancroft has adopted 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 317 

these characteristics in his description of Endicott, as " a 
man of dauntless courage, and that cheerfulness which ac- 
companies courage ; benevolent though austere ; firm, 
though choleric ; of a rugged nature, which the sternest 
form of Puritanism had not served to mellow." With 
great inconsistency he afterwards speaks of him as a man 
" whose self-will was inflamed by fanaticism, and whose 
religious antipathies persecution had matured into hatred." 
These two descriptions cannot be true. The banishment 
of the Brownes was not a proof of Endicott's fanaticism, 
but of his good judgment, foresight, and determination to 
guard the liberty of the colonists from invasion. 

The letters of the Company in England on occasion of 
this difficulty, when the Brownes had been sent home, and 
had presented their complaints, are to be found in Young's 
Chronicles of Massachusetts. The general instructions of 
the Company to Endicott and the Council are also there 
printed, and are full of interest. By these instructions, and 
by the Charter of the Colony, it will be found that Endicott 
was fully justified so far as related to them, in taking his 
prompt and energetic measures, both for the suppression 
of the rioters on Mount Dagon, and of the ecclesiastical and 
civil mutiny of the Brownes. No one can doubt this, when 
he reads such a passage as follows, after notice of the 
unanimous agreement of the ministers sent over. " Yet 
because it is often found that some busy persons, led more 
by their will than any good warrant out of God's Word, 
take opportunities by moving needless questions to stir up 
strife, and by that means to beget a question, and bring 
men to declare some difference in judgment, most common- 
ly in things indifferent, from which small beginnings great 
mischiefs have followed, we pray you and the rest of the 
council, that if any such disputes shall happen amongst you, 
that you suppress them, and be careful to maintain peace 
and unity." 

* Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 160. 



818 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Endicott was a friend of Roger Williams, and much 
under his influence. Mr. Williams had preached a " dis- 
course on the unlawfulness of all ceremonies and symbols, 
which had been borrowed from the service of idolatry or 
of Popery, on the ground that their use tended to lead men 
back to superstition and false religion." It was in accord- 
ance with this doctrine that Endicott, being the military 
commander, ordered the red cross to be cut from the 
King's military colors.* Endicott and Williams were both 
exceedingly strong in their hatred of Popery ; but Endicott 
was naturally somewhat more hasty than Williams, though 
the anecdote is characteristic of both. There was nothing 
which Endicott regarded as a just principle, that he did 
not think should be put in practice. The attention of both 
these men, the preacher and the soldier, having been once 
turned to the Red Cross, and the question having occurred 
whether it was right to admit such a mark of the Beast in 
the ensigns of the Colony, it was almost as impossible to 
avoid agitation, as it is- for some animals to prevent being 
infuriated at the sight of a red cloak. At length Mr. En- 
dicott put an end to their questionings by erasing, on his 
own authority, a part of the red cross in the royal colors at 
Salem ; enough, we suppose, to destroy the emblem of the 
cross, for their indignation was against the use of that sacred 
emblem in such a place, and not against the crimson hue. 

The first record of this transaction we find in Gov. 
Winthrop's own Journal, of October 20th, 1634. He 
states that the ensign at Salem was defaced, namely, one 
part of the Red Cross taken away ; which indeed savored 
of rebellion, but he says the truth was, it was done upon 
this opinion, that the Red Cross was given to the King of 
England by the Pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a 
superstitious thing, and a relic of Antichrist. f 

* Prof. Gammell's Memoir of Roger Williams. Sparks's Am. Biog. v. 14, 
p. 36. 

t Gov. Winthrop's Journal, p, 73. 



OF PKINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 319 

It is next recorded, Nov. 27th, that the Governor's 
Assistants met at his house to advise concerning this 
matter, when they all expressed their disUke of this thing, 
and their purjjose to punish tiie oflenders ; yet they were 
guarded, with as much wariness as they might use, being 
themselves doubtful of the lavi^fuhiess of the Cross in au 
ensign, though clear that the fact of the erasure in the 
colors, as concerning tlie manner, was very unlawful. 

The result was, that in 1G35 Mr. Endicott was left out 
from the magistracy at the election, and was called in 
question about defacing the cross in the ensign. A com- 
mittee was appointed on this case, of one from every town, 
the magistrates also making choice of four. Their judg- 
ment was that the oftence was great ; that Mr. Endicott 
had been rash in taking more authority upon himself than 
he should have done, and indiscreet in not seeking advice 
of the Court ; that his conduct w^as unwarrantable in that, 
judging the Cross to be a sin, he was content to have it 
reformed at Salem, not taking care that others might be 
brought out of it also ; casting thus a blemish also upon 
the other magistrates, as if they would be willing to suffer 
idolatry. Mr. Endicott was publicly admonished, and 
rendered unable to bear office for the space of one year ; 
they not being willing to deal a heavier sentence upon him, 
because they were persuaded that what he had done was 
out of tenderness of conscience, and not from any evil 
intent.'* 

It is evident that in the end Mr. Endicott's character did 
not siifTer in the least with the Colony, by these transac- 
tions, for he was afterwards chosen to the highest offices 
in the gift of the people, and he was well known to be a 
man of integrity and piety. He pursued very much the 
same energetic course in regard to the King's red colors, 
that he did in regard to the obnoxious May Pole on Mount 
Dagon, the head quarters of Morton's revellings and insub- 
* Gov. Winthrop's Journal, page SI. 



320 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 

ordination ; but whereas in the latter case his zeal was 
wisely and admirably directed against a glaring evil, in 
the former it was an insignificant thing, to which his own 
opinions had given a fictitious importance. A part of the 
judgment of the Court is very curious ; that his offence 
was the greater, because, judging the cross to be a sin, he 
was content to have it reformed at Salem, not taking care 
that others might be brought out of it also. One might 
have thought this would have mitigated the offence, 
because, it being a matter of opinion, he only bestirred 
himself where he had some authority to do so, and left 
others to judge and act as they pleased. 

It is very clear that the antipathy of Williams and Endi- 
cott against all Popish emblems was shared by other as 
good men as they, in both Colonies. On the return of 
Governor Winthrop from his visit to the Colony at 
Plymouth, it is recorded in the Governor's Journal that 
they came to a place called Hue's Cross, and the Governor 
was much displeased at the name, in respect that such 
things might hereafter give the papists occasion to say that 
their religion was first planted in these parts ; so he 
changed the name, and called it Hue's Folly.* Our Pilgrim 
Fathers were too near the age of martyrdom in England 
not to feel the necessity of such vigilance. 

* Winthrop's Journal, Oct. 27, 1632. 



CHAPTER XX. 



THE FIRST IMPOSITION OF A MINISTER, AND THE CHARACTER 

AND END OP THE MAN AND THE EFFORT. CONSPIRACY OF 

LYFORD AND OLDHAM. ENERGY AND PRUDENCE OF THE 

GOVERNOR. 

The colony of Pilgrims were evidently well supplied 
with an orderly and devout ministration of the Gospel, in 
the case of Mr. Brewster. There were some, however, 
in England, who insisted on their having an ordained mi- 
nister, though doubtless mainly because they hoped thereby 
the more effectually to prevent Mr. Robinson from joining 
the colony, with the rest of the church in Leyden. There 
was, even at a very early period, a strong faction among 
the Merchant Adventurers, opposed to the Pilgrims, and to 
the influence of Robinson over them, and to his intention 
of joining them. In a letter in 1823, Robinson speaks in a 
saddened and desponding tone, both as to the stal^ of the 
Church in Leyden, and the prospect of their ever getting 
to Plymouth. Doubtless the church suffered by the draw- 
ing away of so great a portion of its vitality, the Pilgrims 
being evidently amongst the most energetic and faithful 
of its members. And the faithful Pastor began to find 
himself in a trying position. He speaks of the good news 
they hear from the Pilgrims, " which makes us with the 
more patience bear our languishing state, and the deferring 

14* 



322 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

of our desired transportation, which I call desired rather 
than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand with by 
others." He then speaks of five or six of their bitter pro- 
fessed adversaries among the Adventurers, and of certain 
forward preachers of great influence, who of all others are 
unwilling that Robinson should join the Colony, having an 
eye themselves that way, and thinking, if he should go, 
" their market would be marred in many regards." " And 
for these adversaries, if they have but half their will to their 
malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended." 
"Your God and ours and the God of all his, bring us to- 
gether, if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while and 
always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty, 
and faithful to the end. Amen." 

But Robinson's work on earth was now nearly done ; 
and so, in little more than two years after this, God called 
him home to his rest, away from the evil to come. Mean- 
while, let us see how fully his predictions were fulfilled, 
and his discernment sustained in regard to the plottings 
against himself and the colony. His enemies in England 
were resolved, if possible, to break up the independent go- 
vernment of the colony, both civil and religious, and to 
establish an Episcopacy upon its ruins. For this purpose 
a plan was laid, and a fit instrument being found, the faction 
of Adventurers began to put it in execution. Mr. Winslow 
and Mr. Cushman were at this time in England on the 
business of the Pilgrims, but it is evident were not aware 
of the plot formed, nor of the character and designs of the 
agent employed, under the garb and profession of a preacher 
for the Colony. 

The first rather quaint and curious notice of this affair 
we have in Gov. Bradford's notice of Mr. Cushman's letter 
to the Colony at the close of 1623, "wherein he writes that 
they (the Adventurers with Mr. Cushman) send a carpenter 
to build two ketches, a lighter, and six or seven shallops ; 
a saltman, to make salt ; and a preacher, though not the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 323 

most eminent, for whose going (says Cushman) Mr. Winslow 
and I gave way to give content to some at London.''^* 

This is the only instance we can discover of the colonists 
giving way to expediency before principle in any of their 
religious interests, and in this instance it was done perhaps 
to avoid an open quarrel with the Adventurers. But as- 
suredly Mr. Winslow and Mr. Cushman should have 
paused before giving their consent to the sending of a ques- 
tionable minister in the place of Robinson as the preacher 
to the Colony. It is evident they had no great opinion of 
his qualifications, and yielded only to necessity. 

Let us now follow the result of this hazardous experi- 
ment, a most instructive one to the Pilgrims, but which 
would have proved of irreparable mischief, had it not been 
for the kind care of God, through the great wisdom and 
energy of Governor Bradford. We will take the curious 
record of the manner in which the three supplies turned 
out ; carpenter, salt-man, and minister. It is to be found 
in Prince's New England Chronology under the year 1624, 
from Gov. Bradford's manuscript. 

" The ship-carpenter sent us is an honest and very in- 
dustrious man, quickly builds us two very good and strong 
shallops, with a great and strong lighter, and had hewn 
timber for two ketches; but this is spoilt; for in the hot 
season of the year he falls into a fever and dies, to our 
great loss and sorrow. 

"But the salt-man is an ignorant, foolish, and self-willed 
man, who chooses a spot for his salt-works, will have eight 
or ten men to help him, is confident the ground is good, 
makes a carpenter rear a great frame of a house for the 
salt and other like uses, but finds himself deceived in the 
bottom : will then have a lighter to carry clay, and so 
forth, yet all in vain. lie could do nothing but boil salt 
in pans. The next year is sent to Cape Ann, and then the 
pans are set up by the fishery ; but before the summer is 
* Bradford in Prince, IIG. 



324 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

out he burns the house and spoils the pans, and there is an 
end of this chargeable business. 

" The minister is Mr. John Lyford, whom a faction of 
the Adventurers send to hinder Mr. Robinson. At his 
arrival he appears exceeding complaisant and humble, 
sheds many tears, blesses God that had brought him to see 
our faces, and so forth. We give him the best entertain- 
ment we can ; at his desire we receive him into our 
church, when he blesses God for this opportunity and free- 
dom to enjoy his ordinances in purity among his people. 
We make him larger allowance than any other [for his 
support] ; and as the Governor used in weighty matters to 
consult with Elder Brewster, with the Assistants, so now 
he calls Mr. Lyford to council also. But Mr. Lyford soon 
joins with Mr. John Oldham, a private instrument of the 
factious part of the Adventurers in England, whom we had 
also called to council in our chief affairs without distrust. 
Yet they fall a-plotting both against our church and 
government, and endeavour to overthrow them."* 

We will now change into the historic form the record 
which Mr. Prince thus faithfully presents fi'om Governor 
Bradford. The uncovering and proof of this conspiracy, 
fraught with such unmingled evil to the colony, was 
brought about by admirable wisdom and energy on the 
part of the Governor. The movements and intentions of 
Lyford and Oldham having become manifest, he watched 
their proceedings very closely, and judging them to be in 
communication with that inimical faction among the 
Adventurers, of which already the brethren Winslow, 
Cushman, and Mr. Robinson himself had given account in 
their letters, and Mr. Winslow by his presence, he deter- 
mined to intercept their measures. It is very likely that 
he already judged Lyford to be one of those "forward 
preachers," of whom Robinson had spoken so quaintly, as 
having a hank upon the professors, and as being deter- 
* Prince, from Bradford, pp. 148, 149. 



^ foF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 325 

mined with all malice to use that hank, or influence, against 
himself. His forward extreme professions and demonstra- 
tions of tears, complaisances, and blessings at the outset, 
were not likely to commend him to a man of Governor 
Bradford's openness, sincerity, and quiet simplicity of 
character, but would rather, if anything, render him an 
object of suspicion to the Pilgrims, who had nothing of this 
hypocritical spirit or demeanor among them ; so that they 
must have received him somewhat as Christian and Hope- 
ful regarded Talkative, when he presented himself so 
plausibly and glibly to join them. 

The master of the ship in which Lyford came was a 
thorough friend to Governor Bradford and the colony, and 
saw how things were going. They kept quiet till the ship 
was to return, and the letters from Lyford and Oldham to 
the conspirators in England had been prepared and put on 
board. Then, when the ship set sail towards evening, the 
Governor manned a shallop, went out in company with the 
ship three or four miles to sea, and there taking the corres- 
pondence of Lyford and Oldham, with the full consent of 
Captain Pierce the commander, who was aware of their 
actions, discovered, on examination, their whole treachery. 

Amongst other letters, one was found directed to John 
Pemberton, a minister, and a violent enemy to the colony ; 
in this letter copies of a letter were found inclosed, which 
had been written by a gentleman in England to Mr. 
Brewster, and also of another letter which Winslow had 
written to Mr. Robinson. These letters had been lying in 
the cabin of the ship in which Lyford embarked for 
America, and while she was anchored at Gravesend he 
opened and copied them.* 

The Governor knew his man, and dealt with the fool 

according to his folly. It had been observed before the 

ship sailed that Lyford was much engaged in writing, and 

indeed he had been so careless and confident as to disclose 

• Baylies' Hist. Mem. of Plymouth, p. 12S. 



326 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

parts of his correspondence to those with whom he was 
intimate, who made httle secret of his communications, but 
boasted openly that they should have a change in the 
colony before long. The suspicions of the Governor being 
thus excited, and at length arising in his mind to a com- 
plete conviction, he deemed it his duty to act as he did for 
the safety of the colony. 

The Governor returned on shore during the night, bring- 
ing some of the letters back with him for proof, but kept 
everything as yet private, till the conspirators should open 
their plot plainly. This they speedily did, so soon as 
Lyford and the few accomplices whom the factious part of 
the Adventurers had sent out, judged their party strong 
enough. They rose up, opposed the government and the' 
church, drew a company apart, and set up for themselves, 
Lyford declaring that he would administer the sacrament 
to them by his Episcopal calling. 

Upon this proceeding, Governor Bradford called a court 
and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged 
Lyford and Oldham with plotting and writing against them, 
all which they denied, not having the least suspicion of 
what was in reserve. Governor Bradford then produced 
their own letters, so that they were utterly confounded and 
convicted. Oldham became so outrageous that he would 
have raised a mutiny, but his party abandoned him, and 
the court expelled them from the colony. Lyford confessed 
his villany before the Court, acknowledging the falsehood 
of all that he had written, and afterwards did the same be- 
fore the Church, begging their forgiveness with many 
tears, so that they even restored him to his office of teach- 
ing. This was a very hasty and inexpedient kindness, for 
in less than two months he was at his old work of slander, 
and wrote another letter to England, which came into the 
hands of the Governor. But his wickedness was not fully 
exposed till the coming of Messrs. Winslow and Pierce 
from England in the spring, with an account of all the evil 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 327 

of Lyford's calumniating letters there, and of the develop- 
ment of previously unknown crimes while he was a minis- 
ter in Ireland, on account of which he had been compelled 
to leave that kingdom. Upon this new discovery he was 
immediately deposed from the ministry.* 

Lyford is said to have discovered the malignity of a 
demon, who was sent to mar the happiness of the settle- 
ment, and disturb the peace of the church. " The air was 
tainted with the slanders he wrote and spread, for the ser- 
vice of men who were enemies of the plantation. He was 
employed by those who, being inimical to all dissenters 
from the Established Church, and every species of Repub- 
lican Government, wished to destroy this rising Common- 
wealth. The spies of Charles's court would search the 
uttermost part of the earth, for the sake of destroying men's 
liberty."! 

Oldham returned to Plymouth, and there behaved again 
so outrageously that he was publicly sentenced " to pass 
through a guard of soldiers, receiving from each a blow on 
his hinder part with their muskets," after which he was 
shipped away. A year afterwards, being in extreme 
danger of death, he made a free and full confession of all 
the wrongs he had done the church and people. 

Thus ended this affair, and with it all present effort after 
any other minister than Elder Brewster. About two years 
afterwards Mr. Allerton brought over from England for 
the colony " one Mr. Rodgers, a young man, for minister ;" 
but within a year, " proving crazied in his brain, they were 
forced to be at further charge in sending him back, after 
losing all the cost expended in bringing him over, which 
was not small."J 

In the year 1629, Mr. Smith, one of the four ministers 
who came over with the Salem colonists, went with his 

♦Prince, p. 149, 153. 

t Collections of Mass. Historical Society, for the year 1800, p. 274 

I Bi'adford in Prince, p. 193. 



328 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLTTSTRATIONS. 

family to some straggling people at Natasco ; and we find 
the following rather curious record from Governor Brad- 
ford's Journal in regard to his final settlement for some 
years at Plymouth : " Some Plymouth people," he says? 
" putting in with a boat at Natasco (the old name for Nan- 
tasket, a peninsula near the entrance of Boston Harbor, 
now called Hull), find Mr. Smith in a poor house that 
would not keep him dry. He desires them to carry him to 
Plymouth ; and seeing him to be a grave man, and under- 
standing he had been a minister, they bring him hither ; 
where we kindly entertain him, send for his goods and 
servants, desire him to exercise his gifts among us ; after- 
wards choose him into the ministry, wherein he remains 
for sundry years." 

Alden Bradford, in his History of Massachusetts, says of 
Smith, that he was of an odd temperament, and supposed 
sometimes to be partly insane.* 

He was not in all respects fitted for his station, and 
indeed it was many years before the church at Plymouth 
enjoyed anything like the power and beauty of the minis- 
trations of their first beloved Pastor. 

* Bradford's History of Mass., p. 21. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

THE FIRST CIVIL OFFENCE AND PUNISHMENT. MILDNESS, FOR- 
BEARANCE, SELF-RESPECT, AND KINDNESS OF THE PILGRIMS. 

THE FIRST MURDERER AND HIS END. THEIR VIEWS OF 

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT FOR MURDER. THE GREATNESS AND 

WISDOM OF THEIR LEGAL REFORMS. 

All the transactions of the colony described in the 
earliest and most authentic records show the Plymouth 
Pilgrims to have been as kind, patient, persevering, and 
judicious a set of men as the Providence of God ever 
collected in one community. They manifested great 
qualities both of mind and heart, of natural temperament 
and piety. They maintained a very natural superiority 
over all the successive settlements of New England, not 
merely because theirs was the great honor of pioneers in 
suffering, but because, though in some after emigrations 
there was greater dignity of circumstance, yet there was 
never better stuff, nor equal endurance. They were up- 
right, generous, manly in character and sentiment. There 
was a stamp of natural nobleness, openness, and courage, 
as well as constant reliance upon God. They were above 
every meanness and had a pure and high morality, and 
though in an obscure, unthought of theatre, so acted in all 
things, that now, when their whole stage with all the 



330 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

scenery and persons is lifted into light with a world 
critically gazing at it, there is nothing seen but what is as 
noble and truly dignified as if it had been acted for the 
world. The reason is, because it was not acted for the 
world, but irrespective of the world, for conscience and 
for God. The total absence of the fear of man has pro- 
duced the noblest epic in action of all secular ages. 

The verv first instances of crime amone them being imi- 
tations in low life of English court brav^ery and gentility, 
were such as stamped disgrace and ridicule upon it for all 
coming time. It was good to have examples of fashion- 
able wickedness put in so low and contemptible a setting 
as that to which the Pilgrims shut it up, when the founda- 
tions of many generations were building. It was better 
than the device of the Spartans to make their slaves drunk 
that their children might abhor the beastly vice of intem- 
perance. Neck and heels of a serving man tied together 
is a good posture for the perpetual effigy of a New Eng- 
land duellist. If the Pilgrims had set their ingenuity to 
manufacture a caricature of aflfairs of honor for immortal 
opprobrium and ridicule, they could not have done better. 
It was only the second offence in the whole year's history 
of the colony. Prince takes "the account from Governor 
Bradford's Register thus : 

"June 18, 1621. The second offence is the first duel 
fought in New England upon a challenge at single combat 
with sword and dagger, between Edvvard Doty and 
Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being 
w^ounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, they 
are adjudged by the whole company to have their head and 
feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours, with- 
out meat or drink: which is begun to be inflicted, but 
within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own 
and their master's humble request, upon promise of better 
carriage, they are released by the Governor." 

We should like to see all the duellists in the world tied 



OF PRU\C1PL£S, PKOViUEiNCES, ANit FERbOJNS. 331 

thus, neck and heels together ; honor to whom honor is 
due. This punishment seems to have been very effectual. 
It was used in the case of the first offence committed in 
the colony, w^hich was that of John Billington, a profane, 
miserable wretch, " shuffled in" by some unaccountable 
trickery among the Pilgrims at London, but who after- 
wards was hung for murder. March 24th 1621, he was 
" convicted before the whole company for his contempt of 
Captain Standish's lawful command with opprobrious 
speeches : for which he was adjudged to have his neck and 
heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself and craving 
pardon, and it being the first offence, he is forgiven." 

Governor Bradford, with an almost prophetic discern- 
ment of the elements of character and their consequences, 
declared in a letter to Mr. Cushman in 1624, concerninsr 
this miserable fellow, who for some cause was a great 
enemy of Cushman, that he was " a knave, and as such 
would live and die." It was the Governor's opinion that he 
was smuggled in most improperly among the Pilgrims in 
England, at their first embarkation, but how he knew not. 
He stained the soil of New England with the first murder, 
being truly the Cain of that Eden of the New World. Mr. 
Hubbard gives the account of his unprovoked crime and 
its just retribution, in the following words ; 

" About September, 1630, was one Billington executed at 
Plymouth, for murder. When the world was first peopled, 
and but one family to do that, there was yet too many to 
live peaceably together ; so, when this wilderness began 
first to be peopled by the English, when there was but one 
poor town, another Cain was found therein, who malicious- 
ly slew his neighbor in the field, as he accidentally met him, 
as himself was going to shoot deer. The poor fellow, 
perceiving the intent of this Billington, his mortal enemy, 
sheltered himself behind trees as well as he could for a 
while ; but the other not being so ill a marksman as to ruin 
his aim, made a shot at him, and struck him on the 



333 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

shoulder, with which he died soon after. The murderer 
expected that either for want of power to execute for 
capital offences, or for want of people to increase the 
plantation, he should have his life spared ; but justice other- 
wise determined, and rewarded him, the first murderer of 
his neighbor there, with the deserved punishment of death. 
for a warning to others."* 

The trial of this murderer was a most important occa- 
sion. The colony were somewhat in doubt whether the 
patent gave them authority in cases of life and death to 
pass and execute judgment. They might deduce that au- 
thority from their own compact, but they were anxious to 
proceed legally as well as justly, in right form as well as 
in reality. They sought the advice of their brethren in 
Massachusetts, the case occurring in the same year with 
the arrival of Governor Winthrop and the company of colo- 
nists along with him. Governor Winthrop in his journal 
merely mentions the execution thus : "Billington executed at 
Plymouth for murdering." But it appears from Hutchin- 
son, who, as Mr. Savage remarks, has perhaps digested all 
that can be known in regard to that trial, that Mr. Win- 
throp, having consulted with the ablest gentlemen there, 
concurred with the opinion at Plymouth that the man 
ought to die, and the land be purged from blood. This was 
founded on the divine command, "Whosoever sheddeth 
man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed ; which was 
not, in any case, to be dispensed with."f Hutchinson re- 
marks that they observed all the forms of law, there being 
both grand jury and petty jury impanelled, and after in- 
dictment, verdict, and sentence, the criminal was executed. 
They took their authority and obligation of punishment by 
death for the crime of murder directly from the Word of 
God, regarding the old ordinance given to Noah as of uni- 
versal appointment for the guidance of mankind. 

* Hubbard's Gen. Hist. New England, ch. xvii., p. 101. Mass. Hist. Coll. 
t Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., vol. ii., p. 413. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 333 

" They had need be very good artists," said Mr. Hubbard 
on another occasion, " and go exactly to work, that lay the 
foundation of a building ; for a little error there, may ap- 
pear very great and formidable in the superstructure, if 
any thing be done out of square in the bottom, which at the 
first is not easily discerned." 

Now it is remarkable that in the first great instance of 
capital legislation in this country, our Pilgrim Fathers went 
not to the laws of England for their guidance, but to those 
of God. On this point Dr. Bacon of New Haven has writ- 
ten admirably. What system of legislation should the co- 
lonists take in founding a New World ? They could not 
instantly frame a new system ; it must be the work of time 
and experience. Should they take the laws of England ? 
" Those were the very laws from which they fled. Those 
laws would subject them at once to the king, to the parlia- 
ment, and to the prelates, in their several jurisdictions. 
The adoption of the laws of England would have been fatal 
to the object of their emigration." They could not take 
the Roman civil law ; but they had a code of laws in every 
man's hand in the Bible, laws given to a community emi- 
grating, like themselves, from their native country, for the 
great purpose of maintaining in simplicity and purity the 
worship of the one true God. Like the Israelites of old, 
they were to be a people surrounded by the heathen, and 
intermingled among them, and needing the influence of laws 
framed with a special reference to such a corrupting neigh- 
borhood and intercourse. Like the Hebrews also they 
i were a free republican people, and needed laws for a com- 
I munity where there was no absolute power, where there 
were no privileged classes; laws, whose aim should be that 
equal and exact justice which is the only freedom. 

Dr. Bacon proceeds to remark upon two of the most im- 
! portant effects of their renouncing the laws of England and 
I adopting the Mosaic law; first, the change of the principle 
• on which inheritances were to be divided, rejecting the 



834 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

English rule of giving all real estate to the eldest son, thus 
doing away with the system of English aristocracy, and 
promoting equality among the people ; and second, the 
change in respect to the inflicting of capital punishment. 
By this bold reformation, taking the Hebrew laws instead 
of the laws of England, the colonists reduced the bloody 
catalogue of crimes punishable by English law with death, 
down at once from one hundred and fifty to eleven ! Dr. 
Bacon well remarks that " the greatest and boldest im- 
provement which has been made in criminal jurisprudence 
by any one act since the dark ages, was that which was 
made by our fathers, when they determined that the judi- 
cial laws of God as they were delivered by Moses, should be 
accounted of moral equity, and generally bind all offenders, 
and be a rule to all the courts."* 

On the greatness and wisdom of their legal reforms and 
precedents, Prescott Hall has likewise written with great 
beauty and power, somewhat in detail. He says that near- 
ly all the important alterations made in the jurisprudence of 
New York within the last fifty years have been borrowed, 
directly or indirectly, from the laws of New England, and 
especially from those of Connecticut. " Indeed, I may go 
further, and say that there is scarcely a change, or an im- 
provement, called for or suggested by the distinguished 
Lord Brougham in his great speech upon law reforms in 
England, delivered in the House of Commons in the year 
1828, but what may be found among the enactments of le- 
gislatures and the practice of courts in the Eastern States." 

These great improvements were begun at once. " With 
a bold defiance," says Mr, Hall, " of customs immemorial, 
and of forms rendered sacred by antiquity, they commenced 
the progress of legal reform from the moment their feet 
first pressed the sod of their new found country. With no 
affected disregard for the wisdom and learning of their an- 
cestors, with no pretensions to a more perfect knowledge 

* Bacon's Historical Discourses. 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 335 

of man's true social condition than that which prevailed at 
home, they did nevertheless at once institute the inquiry as 
to how much of an antiquated system was suited to their 
wants and condition. Having the common Statute law of 
England open and before them, and with a steady eye up- 
on ancient precedents, they began a system of legal change 
at once radical, yet conservative." Mr. Hall speaks of the 
subject of non-imprisonment for debt, as considered and 
acted on in New England two hundred years ago, and upon 
the law for a complete registration of lands, and upon the 
explosion of the complicated unnecessary forms in civil and 
other proceedings ; simple and clear statements, and direct 
straightforward pleadings coming in their place. 

"And then," says he, "as to that law that prefers the 
first born son to all others, in itself so iniquitous, what had 
our ancestors to say to that ? They said it should be blot- 
ted out from the statute-book, once and for ever. 

" How otherwise could equal rights be maintained or Re- 
publican forms of government be preserved ? In the proud 
monarchies of Europe it became the policy of the aristo- 
cracy to preserve great estates in the same family in a di- 
rect line, that their influence might remain continuous and 
unbroken — thus transmitting from father to son not only the 
wealth of the ancestor but his political influence also. 

" But in a free country how should we stand, if even 
without political authority, the parent might entail upon his 
son whole towns, and counties, and states ? Would free- 
men contentedly ride for thirty-seven miles by the side of 
a great estate (as you may now in some parts of Great 
Britain), with the reflection in their minds that in all time 
to come, the influence of that proprietor and his descend- 
ants must remain unchecked and undisturbed ? 

" What caused the first outbreaks among the people of 
Rome when they left their city to take refuge on the sacred 
Mount? The monopoly of lands by the rich. What was 
the remedy there? A division of those lands among 



336 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

people who had no claim upon them but hard necessity. 
But what agrarian law did our ancestors provide to check, 
if not effectually destroy, this dangerous accumulation of 
wealth in the same hands ? They said that lands, where 
there was no will to direct otherwise, should descend to the 
heirs alike. That personal property should be equally dis- 
tributed, and the power of entailment so limited that it must 
be renewed in every generation, in order to be kept alive. 
' This,' says Judge Story, ' is the true agrarian law which 
in all time to come will guard the just rights of acquirement 
and possession, and correct the great public evils of inor- 
dinate accumulations ; and you see how instantly our an- 
cestors seized upon and adopted this indispensable im- 
provement.' 

" Then the criminal laws of England, more bloody than 
the laws of Draco, were all remodelled and their severities 
softened down, even at that time when men's minds had not 
begun much to consider this important matter. In all 
things, I assert with confidence, in relation to the laws, 
both public and private, our ancestors made great and mar- 
vellous improvements upon those of the land from whence 
they took their origin. And these reforms became after- 
wards matters of the highest political concernment when 
they had shaken off the control of the mother country. Re- 
publican in their habits of thinking and acting — republican 
in their frugality — republican in their laws and forms of go- 
vernment, the States of New England were early prepared 
for that great change wrought out for them by the War of 
the Revolution. 

" Their civil and political rights were well understood 
from the very beginning: — they were preserved and cherish- 
ed through all their early struggles for existence — and were 
all prepared to be acted upon when the day of trial came."* 
* W. Prescott Hall's New England Society Address. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE FIRST TOWN MEETING. PROVIDENTIAL DISCIPLINE AND 

DEVELOPMENT OF FREEDOM. 

From the Tow^n meetings of New England, De Tocque- 
ville deduces the whole grand fabric of civil liberty in these 
United States. There is much truth in the conclusion. 
The habit of thus meeting for consultation and decision on 
all common and important business, constituted a discipline 
of independence, freedom, and self-government, in the 
State, of which the pattern was first taken from the 
congregational independence and self-government under 
Christ, which had for so many years been practised in the 
Pilgrim Churches. This habit was the cradle of a well- 
ordered civil, as well as religious liberty. These Town 
meetings were at first composed mainly of members of the 
Church ; for the greater number of the early Colonists 
were such, by profession and covenant. And in the 
manner of this action in civil affairs, they naturally and 
spontaneously went on according to the habit they had 
formed in religious affairs. The one ran into the other as 
naturally as the oak grows out of the acorn, as sponta- 
neously as fi'om the hidden germinating power and process 
in the seed, or growth in the tree, spring to their develop- 
ment the blossom and the fruit. It was thus that the Vine 

15 



338 HISTOKICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

out of Egypt, being caused to take deep root, filled the 
land. The hills were covered with the shadows of it, and 
the boughs thereof were like the goodly cedars. She sent 
out her boughs unto the sea, and her branches unto the 
river. They became so tough and strong, that the boar 
out of the European woods might whet his tusks upon 
them, but could not harm them. 

The record of the first town meeting in New England, 
nay, we might probably say in the whole world (for this 
was quite an original phenomenon), is in this Journal of the 
Pilgrims. The Era of the Town itself is fixed by Mr. 
Prince, not upon the day on which the Pilgrims first broke 
ground for building, nor the day on which they began to 
erect the first house for settlement, but about a week after- 
wai'ds, on the last day in the year 1620 (being the first 
Lord's Day that any kept the Sabbath in the place of their 
building), they having, up to that time, assembled on board 
the May Flower, no other shelter being possible. There 
is great propriety and beauty in this ; if the Pilgrims could 
have determined upon it, they would have desired just such 
a record. " At this time," says Mr. Prince, " we therefore 
fix the Era of their settlement here ; to which they give 
the name of Plymouth, the first English town in all this 
country, in a grateful memory of the Christian friends they 
found at Plymouth in England, as of the last town they 
left in that their native land." 

The labor of building the Town goes on through the 
month of January, doubtless under the superintendence of 
Governor Carver, whom they had chosen on board the 
May Flower. We may say that all their consultations and 
determinations, as on January 9th, concerning the manner 
and division of labor in building, were the apparent germs 
or buds of the future fully developed institutions of the 
Town meeting. But the first decisive record is on Feb. 
17th, when they met to appoint " military orders," and chose 
and invested with power accordingly, Miles Standish for 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 339 

Captain. This, however, being mainly, if not solely, a 
meeting fixed for those military purposes alone, and having 
been moreover interrupted by the first alarming presenta- 
tion of savages near the Town, which interruption was 
renewed on two other occasions on which they had a 
similar meeting, we pass to the last record in the Journal, 
March 23, 1621, where the bud is, as it were, in full and 
manifest development. It is a regular Town Meeting for 
common business, as well as for the completion of their 
" military orders," and for the forming of other laws con- 
venient for their present state. They then likewise re- 
elected Governor Carver for the following year. 

Soon after this, Governor Carver having been removed 
by death, there was another Town Meeting, at which Mr. 
Bradford was chosen governor, with Mr. Allerton for his 
assistant. June 18th, there was another, in which those 
extraordinary duellists, the two family servants of Mr. 
Hopkins, were " adjudged by the whole company " to their 
suitable and disgraceful punishment. July 2d, there was 
another Town Meeting ; August 13th, another, on a very 
important occasion, called by the Governor, for aid of 
council. Thus these Town Meetings, begun in the iilfancy 
of the Colony, became its habit into manhood. They 
were assemblies of the freest, most independent, most 
mutually confidential character ; for consultation, delibe- 
ration, decision, on the most important affairs that could 
come before the community. The Governor asked advice 
at those meetings. 

March 23d, 1623, we find the record of one of them as 
follows : " Being a Yearly Court Day, the Governor com- 
municates his intelligence to the whole company (alarming 
intelligence in regard to a conspiracy among the Indians), 
and asks their advice ; who leave it to the Governor, with 
his assistant and the Captain, to do as they think most 
meet." The election days were Town Meeting days. In 
the spring of 1624, we find the record of their proceed- 



340 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

ings, in Prince's Chronology, as follows : " The time of our 
electing officers for the year arriving, the Governor desires 
the people both to change the persons, and add more 
assistants to the Governor for council and help ; showing 
the necessity of it ; that if it were a benefit or honor, it 
was fit others should be partakers ; or if a burthen, it was 
but equal others should help to bear it ; and that this was 
to be the end of yearly elections. Yet they chose the 
same Governor, namely, Mr. Bradford. But whereas there 
was but one assistant, they now choose five, and give 
the Governor a double voice." 

Thus the discipline of the Colony in self-government 
under God's good providence went on from year to year, 
from less to greater, from very small assemblies to very 
large ones, with which, if the Colony had begun, they 
would not also have begun in them these all important, 
open, free, deliberative meetings. God in his providence 
taught them little by little. And he let all these fixtures of 
the habits of a free State and people be confirmed and 
rendered more complete for several years, before he let the 
new and larger Colony at Salem come over to determine 
their settlement and fixtures. When they did come, they 
naturally fell, both in religious and civil afl^airs, into the 
same excellent habits, in their church covenant and busi- 
ness, and in free deliberation in Town Meetings, into which 
God had disciplined the Plymouth Pilgrims before them, 
and which by their example he had shown to be so admi- 
rably fitted for the purposes of piety, industry, virtue, 
public spirit, self denial, firmness, brotherly kindness, 
patience, wisdom, and freedom. 

The origin of town governments, which Mr. Baylies 
thinks involved in some obscurity, seems very plainly to 
be found in the condition of the Colony of Plymouth dur- 
ing the first twelve years, in which the town, being the 
whole Colony, " exercised all those functions of govern- 
ment, which are now performed in towns, counties, and 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 341 

commonwealths."* The town was also the Church. After- 
wards, when Other settlements were made, churches were 
formed to make them, and then by acts of incorporation 
they became towns. Even the ministers were settled by 
the towns in town meetings, and the salary was established 
and annually voted. Thus it is true that to the independ- 
ent churches is to be traced the origin of those independent 
communities, which assumed the name of towns ; in the 
independent churches, indeed, is the germ of all our liberties, 
both civil and religious. 

Mr. Baylies has remarked that the system of town-go- 
vernments, is neither known in England, nor does it prevail 
in the Southern States. " Those who are strangers to our 
customs are surprised to find the whole of New England 
divided into a vast number of little democratic republics, 
which have full power to do all those things which most 
essentially concern the comforts, happiness, and wants of 
the people. Under the government of these little repub- 
lics, society is trained in habits of order, and the whole 
people acquire a practical knowledge of legislation within 
their own sphere. To this mode of government may be 
attributed that sober and reflecting character, almost pe- 
culiar to the people of New England, and their general 
knowledge of politics and legislation. Many distinguished 
orators and statesmen have made their first essays in town 
meetings." 

Truly it was a process of God's guidance with our 
fathers, which we can never enough admire, in which he 
wrought out, by their gradual experience, the frame and 
model, the statutes and habits, of a free, well-ordered, self- 
governed. Christian State. This was not speculation on 
government, either ecclesiastical or civil, by men's theories, 
but action, by the light of God's Word, under the leadings 
of God's Providence. It was neither Milton, nor Alijer- 
non Sidney, nor Hooker, nor Bacon, teaching how a Chris- 
* Baylies' Hist. Memoir of Plymouth, 240, 241, 256, 



342 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

tian freedom might be man's possibility and privilege ; it 
was God revealing it in actual possession. 

They v^^ere humble, unostentatious, obscure men, most of 
them, whom God chose as his instruments in this demon- 
stration ; men schooled in self-denial, prepared by a baptism 
in hardship and suffering ; men of calm resolution, unrepin- 
ing endurance, and cheerful trust in God. These men, and 
not the speculative philosophers of Church and State des- 
potisms, were the instruments of God in opening and 
demonstrating to the world the truths essential to the 
world's peace, on which only the world's welfare could 
rest, by the working of which alone the world's kingdoms 
could be conducted to the enjoyment of an indestructible 
liberty. And not the Courts of regal, or representative, 
or hierarchical grandeur ; not the parliaments, or diets, or 
consulting assemblages of kingdoms a thousand years old ; 
nor yet the applauded public stage of great cities, nor 
palace halls beneath the shadow of grand cathedrals, nor 
the magnificent cathedrals themselves, were the places 
which God chose for these last and grandest " births of 
time," for the suggestion or the demonstration of these 
simple, yet mighty truths ; but the shadows of the primeval 
forest, log-huts in the wilderness, rough unbuilded hamlets 
of poor, wasted, dying men ; conventicles, wigwams, and 
Town-meetings. 

The opening of these truths was to be from point to point, 
not all at once, as a flood of supernatural light, but disci- 
plinary, providential. And the experimental demonstration 
of these truths was to be as gradual as the growth of a 
vigorous, free. Christian State, in perfect religious liberty, 
beneath their light and influence. As a child passes from 
discipline to discipline, from school to school, from lower 
to higher masters and branches of knowledge, so from step 
to step God led on our Fathers. He led them so naturally, 
that at that time they could no more see the great end to 
which he was bringing them, or the expected and intended 



OF PRINCIJfLES, PROVIDENCES), ANU PERSONS. 343 

consummation of light, than a being ignorant of the material 
processes of our world, who should be placed for the first 
time where he could watcii the dawning of the day, could 
measure the stealthy imperceptible steps of the morning, 
or predict the glorious appearance of the sun. Indeed, at 
the time, they were (^ften so overwhelmed with difficulties, 
and absorbed in the questions of this day's and the morrow's 
preservation, that as to God's providence and intentions, or 
their own discoveries of his future will, they were like men 
lost in catacombs, and feeling their way in almost total 
darkness. Nevertheless, they were coming to discoveries 
which were to renew the face of the earth ; they were 
working out problems, by the solution of which the world 
was to be brought from its abode with the dead into the 
light of the living. Problems they were, upon the solution 
of which they could merely enter, merely take the first 
steps, while other generations would be requisite to com- 
plete them ; but the right entrance was essential, a begin- 
ning in and from God's Word ; and had not the first steps 
been steps in God, the after-progress would have been 
from intricacy to intricacy, instead of opening into perfect 
day. It is one of the most instructive things in the world, 
to watch the beginnings and utter shipwreck and failure of 
several other enterprises, side by side with that of our 
Pilgrim Fathers, but not, like that, conducted with a su- 
preme regard to God's glory, in obedience to God's Word, 
and in entire dependence on God's providence and grace. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

GOVERNOR Bradford's letter book. 

It was an incomparable and most grievous carelessness 
that suffered the precious manuscript of Governor Brad- 
ford's Letter Book to be lost. The only remnant saved is 
to be found in the volume of the Massachusetts Historical 
Collections for 1794, having been accidentally discovered 
in a grocer's shop in Halifax. It begins on the 339th page, 
the whole 338 preceding pages being lost irrecoverably. 
Into this work Governor Bradford seems to have systema- 
tically copied the whole of his correspondence relating to 
the affairs of the colony, interspersing and connecting it 
with remarks illustrative, and of the deepest interest, so 
that the whole formed an invaluable history. 

The first document in it is a letter to Bradford, Allerton, 
and Winslow, and the rest of the colony through them, 
written doubtless by Mr. Sherley, but signed by eight 
among the Adventurers, who were of a good spirit, if the 
temper of the letter were theirs collectively, as it surely 
was of some severally. The letter is dated April 7, 1G24. 
Of the man Weston it speaks in the following terms : 

" It is a dangerous case, when a man groweth naught in 
prosperity, and worse in adversity ; and what can the end 
of all this be, but more and more misery ? And for con- 



PRINCIPLES,. PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 345 

elusion with him, you may show him what we have wrote 
about him ; and if that satisfy him not, but that he shall 
still follow his mad and malicious practices against you, 
warn him out of your precincts, and let it be upon his peril 
to set foot thereon ; it being indeed no reason that a whole 
plantation should be disturbed or indamaged by the frantic 
humors of any one man whatsoever." 

There are the following admirable Christian counsels 
set down in this letter, and worthy to be extracted and 
read. 

" Let it not offend you that we wish you to look to your- 
selves, as first, that you walk close with God, being fre- 
quent and fervent in prayer, instruction, and doctrine, both 
openly and privately. Secondly, that you instruct and 
bring up your young ones in the knowledge and fear of 
God, restraining them from idleness and profanation of the 
Sabbath. Thirdly, that you freely and readily entertain 
any honest men into your church estate and society, though 
with great infirmities and difference of judgment ; taking 
heed of too great straitness and singularity even in that 
particular. Fourthly, that there be fervent love and close 
cleaving together among you that are fearers of God, 
without secret whispering or undermining one of another, 
and without contempt or neglect of such as are weak and 
helpless, if honest, amongst you. This do, and in all things 
be humble, cheerful, and thankful ; that if you cannot grow 
rich in this world, yet you may be rich in grace ; and if 
you can send us no other treasure, yet let all that visit you 
bring from you the fame of honesty, religion, and godliness, 
which we trust shall comfort us more than all else you can 
send us in this world." 

It was comforting to the Pilgrims to know that there 

were some men of this spirit of piety still standing by 

them among the Adventurers ; and it was good to receive 

such counsels, for it made the colonists see and feel how 

the eyes of the world were upon them. 

15* 



346 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

The next letter, Governor Bradford says, is the first 
received from England after the breach and separation 
between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims. It is signed 
by Messrs. Sherley, Collier, Fletcher, and Holland ; but as 
Sherley at that time was sick, and thought to be nigh unto 
death, Governor Bradford concludes that the letter was 
written by Mr. Cushman at the request of the others. It 
bears internal evidence of being Mr. Cushman's. The 
following extract may show its excellent spirit and tenor 
in respect to advice and counsel. 

" Seeing our generality (that is, the Company of Adven- 
turers) here is dissolved, let yours be the more firm ; and 
do not you like those carnal people, which run into evils 
and inconveniences by examples, but rather be warned by 
your harms, to cleave faster together hereafter. Take 
heed of long and sharp disputes and opposition ; give no 
passage to the waters, no, not a tittle ; let not hatred or 
heart-burning be harbored in the breast of any of you one 
moment, but forgive and forget all former failings and 
abuses, and renew your love and friendship together daily. 
There is often more sound friendship and sweeter fellow- 
ship in afflictions and crosses, than in prosperity and 
favors; and there is reason for it; because envy flieth 
away, when there is nothing but necessities to be looked 
on, but is always a bold guest where prosperity shows 
itself" 

" And although we here, which are hedged about with so 
many favors and helps in worldly things and comforts, for- 
get friendship and love, and oftentimes fall out for trifles, 
yet must not you do so, but must in these things turn a 
new leaf, and be of another spirit. We here can fall out 
with a friend and lose him lo-day, and find another to- 
morrow ; but you cannot do so ; you have no such choice ; 
you must make much of them you have, and count him a 
very good friend, which is not a professed enemy. We 
have a trade and custom of tale-bearing, whispering, and 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 347 

changing of old friends for new, and these things with us 
are incurable. But you, which do, as it were, begin a new 
world, and lay the foundation of sound piety and humanity 
for others to follow, must suffer no such weeds in your 
garden, but nip them in the head, and cast them out for 
ever ; and must follow peace and study quietness, having 
fervent love amongst yourselves, as a perfect and entire 
bond to uphold you when all else fails you. 

" And albeit the company here, as a company, hath lost 
you ; you know when Saul left David, yea and pursued 
him, yet David did not abuse his allegiance and loyalty to 
him ; no more should you : the evil of us here cannot 
justify any evil in you, but you must still do your duty, 
though we neglect ours. We think it but reason, that 
after your necessities are served, you gather together such 
commodities as the country yields, and send them over to 
pay debts and clear engagements here, which are not less 
than 1400 pounds. 

" Have an eye rather on your ill-deservings at God's 
hand, than upon the failings of your friends towards you ; 
and wait on him with patience and good conscience ; 
rather admiring his mercies than repining at his crosses, 
with the assurance of faith, that what is wanting here 
shall be. made up in glory a thousand fold. Go on, good 
friends, comfortably pluck up your hearts cheerfully, and 
quit yourselves like men in all difficulties, that through dis- 
pleasure and threats of men, yet the work may go on 
which you are about, and not be neglected, which is as 
much for the glory of God and the furtherance of our 
countrymen, as that a man may with the more comfort 
spend his life in it, than Hve the life of Methusaleh in 
wasting the plenty of a tilled land, or eating the fruit of a 
grown tree." 

This curious letter, which Governor Bradford says is in 
Cushman's hand, bears marks of the same style of author- 
ship conspicuous in the discourse on self-love, which Mr. 



348 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Cushman delivered to the Pilgrims when he was himself 
at Plymouth in 1621. But it is evident that he would not 
have written it, except at the desire and in behalf of the 
adventurers. It is an apology for their own ill conduct, 
and a deprecation of any retaliation for the same on the 
part of the Pilgrims. The Adventurers wish to secure them- 
selves, and although in breaking up the Company, and the 
greater part of them turning against the Colony, they had 
forfeited all legal claim on account of the partnership, yet 
they must have their debts paid, and the other Pilgrims must 
pay them. 

And whereas vicious courses may be pursued in Eng- 
land, and much worldly comfort still retained, and new 
friends gained in the place of old ones discarded, yet 
seeing this cannot be the case among the Pilgrims, they 
must at all hazards pursue the path of self-denial, and stick 
close to habits of virtue. And whereas in England money 
and goods were to be got at six per cent, interest, the 
Colony, as expecting hardships, and now in some measure 
accustomed to them, must not think strange if they have to 
pay seventy per cent, for the same. " And it standeth you 
in need the more carefully to look to, and make much of all 
your commodities, by how much the more they are 
chargeable to you ; and though we hope you shall not 
want things necessary, yet we think the harder they are got 
the more carefully they will be husbanded. Good friends, 
as you buy them, keep a decorum in distributing them, and 
let none have varieties and things for delight, when others 
want for their mere necessities." 

This was written to a people, who were all laboring 
with their hands for their daily bread, and struggling also 
for the subsistence of others thrown upon them. Little need 
there was, truly, of cautioning them to make much of such 
costly commodities, and to have a decoi'um about dis- 
tributing them for mere delight and variety, when they 
were charged for them seventy per cent, advance on the 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 349 

prices which they cost the Adventurers in England !• And 
yet these commodities about which they were to be so 
careful lest any should have them for superfluities, were 
the very necessaries of life to the Colony ; as cattle, cloth, 
hose, shoes, leather, and so forth. The Adventurers 
thought the harder they were got, the more carefully they 
would he husbanded; and therefore with kindly foresight 
made them seventy per cent, more costly than they were 
at home ! A sure way to encourage industry, self-denial, 
and economical husbandry ! 

We think neither Mr. Sherley nor Mr. Cushman could 
have been partners, except from sheer necessity, and to 
avoid a greater evil, to such transactions. Indeed, we 
doubt if Mr. Sherley knew anything about the detail of 
these measures, for he was at this time at the point of 
death. And Mr. Cushman wrote, on his behalf and his 
own, to Governor Bradford, as follows: 

"Mr. Sherley, who lieth even at the point of death, en- 
treated me, even with tears, to write to excuse him, and 
signify how it was with him. He remembers his hearty, 
and as he thinks last salutations, to you and all the rest, 
who love our common cause. And if God does again 
raise him up, he will be more for you, I am persuaded, 
than ever he was. His unfeigned love towards us hath 
been such as I cannot express ; and though he be a man not 
swayed with passion, or led by uninformed affections, yet 
hath he cloven to us still, amidst all persuasions of op- 
posites, and could not be moved to have an evil thought of 
us, for all their clamors. His patience and contentment 
in being oppressed hath been much. He hath sometimes 
lent 800 pounds at one time, for other men to adventure in 
this business, all to draw them on ; and hath indeed by his 
free-heartedness, been the only glue of the company. 
And if God should take him now away, I scarce think much 
more would be done, save to inquire as to the dividend, 
what is to be had." 



350 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Thif last sarcastic sentence shows Mr. Cushman's own 
opinion as to the men they had to deal with. Mr. 
Sherley was the only glue of the company. 

Mr. Cashman himself was intending now to quit England 
for ever, and join the Pilgrims. In this, which was the 
last letter he ever wrote, he begs Governor Bradford to 
take care of his son, who was already in the Colony, 
as of his own ; and he says, " I hope the next ships to 
come to you ; in the mean space and ever, the Lord be 
all your direction, and turn all our crosses and troubles to 
his own glory and our comforts; and give you to walk so 
wisely and holily, as none may justly say but they have 
always found you honestly minded, though never so poor." 

This letter was dated December 22, 1624, and it was his 
last. Instead of Mr. Sherley, he himself was taken, and 
Governor Bradford remarks, while recording his death, 
what cause have we ever to be ready ! " He was now 
taken from these troubles, into which, by this division, we 
were so deeply plunged. And here I must leave him to 
rest with the Lord." 

Governor Bradford's own letter in answer to Mr. Cush- 
man reached London of course, not till after Mr. Cushman's 
death. It is affecting to see in it the proofs of familiar con- 
fidence and love, and the interchange of little messages of 
affection. " Your son and all of us," he says, " are in good 
health, blessed be God, and he received the things you sent 
him. I hope God will make him a good man. My wife 
remembers her love unto you, and thanks you for her spice. 
Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest 
you, I know not wherefore. He is a knave, and so will 
live and die." 

This Billington was the same who committed the first 
offence in the Colony at Plymouth. He was a profane, 
hardened wretch, and came to his death on the gallows, for 
the crime of murder. 

Governor Bradford says in this letter, " Except we may 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 351 

have things, both more serviceable and at better rates, we 
shall never be able to rub through. Our people will never 
agree any way, again to unite with the Company, who 
have cast them off with such reproach and contempt, and 
also returned their bills and all debts upon their heads. 
But as for those our loving friends, who have and still do 
stick to us, and are deeply engaged for us, and are most 
careful of our goods, for our parts we will ever be ready 
to do anything that shall be thought equal and meet. 

" But I think it will be best to press a clearance with the 
Compan)^ either by coming to a dividend, or some other 
indifferent course of composition ; for the longer we hang 
and continue in this confused and lingering condition, the 
w^orse it will be, for it takes away all heart and courage 
from men to do anything. For notwithstanding any per- 
suasion to the contrary, man}^ protest they will never build 
houses or plant fruits for those, who not only forsake them, 
but use them as enemies, loading them with reproach and 
contumely. Nay, they will rather ruin that which is done, 
than they should possess it. Whereas, if they knew what 
they should trust to, the place would quickly grow and 
flourish with plenty, for they never felt the sweetness of 
the country till this year ; and now not only we, but all 
planters in the land begin to do it. The Lord hath so gra- 
ciously disposed, that when our opposites thought that 
many would have followed their faction, they so distasted 
their palpable dishonest dealings, that they stuck more 
firmly unto us, and joined themselves to the Church." 

The next thing Governor Bradford did in this business, 
was to write a letter to the Council of New England, 
supplicating their help in compelling the Adventurers to 
come to some just composition. For the carrying and 
pursuit of this application in London, the Colony chose 
Captain Miles Standish, who, as we have seen, arrived on 
his business in the midst of a fervent pestilence, by reason 
of which he could accomplish little or nothing. 



352 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

In this letter to the Council, Governor Bradford speaks 
of the many necessities the Pilgrims have undergone, 
" incident to the raw and immature beginnings of such 
great exertions, and the more to v^^hich they are still 
subject." 

" We are many people consisting of all sorts, as well 
women and children, as men ; and are now left and forsa- 
ken of our Adventurers, who will neither supply us with 
necessaries for our subsistence, nor suffer others that would 
be willing ; neither can we be at liberty to deal with 
others, or provide for ourselves, but they keep us tied to 
them, and yet t/iey will be loose from us. They have not 
only cast us off, but entered into particular courses of 
trading, and have by violence and force taken at their 
pleasure our possessions at Cape Ann. Traducing us with* 
unjust and dishonest clamors abroad, disturbing our peace 
at home, and some of them threatening that if ever we 
grow to any good estate, they will nip us in the head. 
Which discouragements do cause us to slack our diligence 
and our care to build and plant, not knowing for whom we 
work, whether friends or enemies. Our humble suit there- 
fore to your good lordships and honors is, that seeing they 
have so unjustly forsaken us, that you would vouchsafe to 
convene them before you, and take such order, as we may 
be free from them, and they come to a division with us, 
that we and ours may be delivered from their evil intents 
against us." 

The visit of Captain Standish, though in the midst of the 
plague, was doubtless of some benefit towards inclining 
the Adventurers to come to some agreement with the 
Colony ; and the next year, 1626, Mr. Allerton was sent to 
England to see what could be done. The documents are 
set down in Governor Bradford's Letter Book ; first the 
bond of the Colonists, by which Mr. Allerton succeeded in 
getting a loan of 200 pounds, at thirty per cent, interest, 
as is stated in Governor Bradford's own words, as follows : 



OF PRINCIPLESi PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 353 

" Upon this order he got two hundred pounds, but it was 
at thirty in the hundred interest, by which it appears in 
what straits we were. And yet this was upon better terms 
than the goods which were sent us the year before, being 
at forty-five per cent., so that it was God's marvellous 
providence that we were ever able to wade through 
things ; as will better appear, if God give me life and 
opportunity to handle them more particularly, in another 
treatise more at large, as I desire and purpose, if God 
permit, with many other things, in a better order." 

Besides getting this supply of money at such usurious 
and destructive interest, Mr. Allerton succeeded in bring- 
ing the Adventurers to a composition and agreement, the 
deed of which is recorded in full in the Letter Book, with 
the signatures of the Adventurers thereto, in number forty- 
two. By this deed the Adventurers sold to Isaac Allerton, 
in behalf of the planters at New Plymouth, in consideration 
of the sum of eighteen hundred pounds sterling, all their 
property and right in the stocks, shares, lands, merchandise, 
and chattels of the Colony. The money to be paid 200 
pounds yearly, beginning on the feast day of St. Michael, 
1628. 

" Thus all now is become our own," adds Governor Brad- 
ford, "and doubtless this was a great mercy of God with 
us, and a great means of our peace and better subsistence, 
and wholly dashed all the plots and devices of our enemies 
both there and here, who daily expected our ruin, disper- 
sion, and utter subversion by the same^ but their hopes 
were thus far prevented, though with great care and labor 
we were left to struggle with the payment of the money." 

The next letter in Governor Bradford's Letter Book is 
from Mr. Sherley to his friend the Governor, dated London, 
Dec. 27, 1627, concerning the conclusion of this same 
agreement. He says, " we cannot but all take notice how 
the Lord hath been pleased to cross our proceedings, and 
caused many disasters to befall us therein ; and sure I con- 



354 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

ceive the only cause to be that we, or many of us here, 
aimed at other ends than God^s glory ; but now I hope that 
cause is taken away, the bargain being fully completed." 
He speaks of the malice of some against himself on account 
of his unshaken friendship for the Pilgrims and the colony ; 
and he says, that now, if they do but have content and 
peace among themselves and with the natives, doubtless 
" the God of peace will bless your going out and returning 
in, and cause all to which you set your hand to prosper ; 
the which I shall ever pray the Lord to grant, if it be his 
most blessed will, and that for Jesus Christ's sake." 

Governor Bradford, out of the fulness of his heart, sets a 
star to this prophecy of God's blessing, and says in a note, 
" He hath hitherto done it, blessed be his name !" 

In a letter of Mr. Sherley's to Governor Bradford, in 
November, 1628, he says, "It is true, as you write, your 
engagements are great, not only the purchase, but you are 
yet necessitated to take up the stock you work upon, and 
that not at six or eight per cent., as it is here let out, but at 
thirty, forty, yea and some fifty per cent., which were not 
your gains great, and God's blessing on your honest endea- 
vors more than ordinary, it could not be that you should 
long subsist, in the maintaining and upholding of your 
worldly affairs." 

After this letter follows a copy of the agreement made, 
as noted in Chapter III., between eight of the principal Pil- 
grims and the rest of the colony, for an exclusive pursuit of 
the trade of the colony for six years, in consideration of 
which they, the eight aforesaid, and four others, whom they 
procured to join them in London in this bargain, took upon 
themselves the payment of all the debts of the colony; the 
trade to return to the colony as before at the expiration of 
the six years. The Governor gives the reasons for this 
engagement, particularly their desire to transport as many 
of their Leyden brethren to the colony as possible, they 
being unable to come of themselves. The whole arrange- 



OF PRINCIPLES, -PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 355 

ment was one of admirable wisdom, and issued in complete 
success. The four friendly adventurers of London, who 
were helpers in it, were, Sherley, Beauchamp, Andrews, and 
Hatherly, Mr. Sherley wrote in 1629, as follows: " In all 
respects I do not see but you have done marvellously dis- 
creetly and advisedly, and no doubt it skives all parties 
good content." Mingled with these business letters are 
ever and anon interspersed pleasant and homely memorials 
of love. " My wife desires to be remembered to you and 
yours, and I think she has put up a small token, as a pair 
of stockings, for you." 

" Mr. Bradford," adds Mr. Sherley in a postscript, " give 
me leave to put you in mind of one thing. Mr. Allerton 
hath been a trusty, honest friend to you all, either there or 
here ; and if any do speak ill of him, believe them not. 
Indeed, they have been unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge, 
and are not contented. Verily, their indiscreet carriage 
here hath so abated my affection towards them, as, were 
Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not disburse one penny 
for the rest." 

The Governor then explains this, saying that ft\e offence 
was given by some of their Leyden friends, whom they had 
undertaken to transport to the colony, but redounded to the 
prejudice of the whole. He says that this company were 
fewer in number than the one previous, though their ex- 
penses came to a hundred pounds more. " And notwith- 
standing this indiscretion, yet they were such as feared 
God, and were to us both welcome and useful for the most 
part ; they were also kept at our charge eighteen months, 
and all new apparelled, and all other charges defrayed." 

The next letter is from Mr. Sherley to the Governor and 
the Pilgrims, giving an account of the immense labor, tur- 
moil, and expense, which it had cost Mr. Allerton to get a 
new patent of incorporation, for which they were suing ; 
how he was put off and referred from one to another, and 
from place to place, day after day, from Lord Keeper to 



356 HISTOEICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Lord Treasurer, and from Lord Treasurer to the Council 
Table, and at great cost of " many riddles which must be 
re-solved, and many locks opened with the silver, nay, 
the golden key ; a costly and tedious business." 

" Loving friends and partners," says Mr. Sherley, " be 
no ways discouraged with the greatness of the debt. Let 
us not fulfil the proverb, 'bestow twelve pence on a purse, 
and put sixpence in it ;' but as you and we have been at 
great charge, and undergone much for settling of you there, 
and to gain experience, so, as God shall please to enable 
us, let us make use of it, and not think with fifty pounds a 
year sent over, to raise such means to pay our debts." " I 
know I write to godly, wise, and understanding men, such 
as have learned to bear one another's infirmities, and re- 
joice at any one's prosperity ; and if I were able, I would 
press this the more, because it is hoped by some of you?- and 
our enemies, that you will fall out among yourselves, and so 
overthrow our hopeful business. Nay, I have heard it cre- 
dibly reported that some have said, that till you be disjointed 
by discontents and factions amongst yourselves, it boots not 
for any to go over, in hope of getting or doing good in 
these parts ; but we hope better things of you^ 

Experience is indeed a costly commodity. What a pic- 
ture is here of the malignity which the Pilgrims had to en- 
counter. This fierce and spiteful hope against them was 
nothing less than an expectation and desire of the entire 
up-breaking of their whole system of religion, church, go- 
vernment, and colony ; and then a plantation of the Estab- 
lishment of England should have been settled " to do good 
in those parts." 

Governor Bradford adds some particulars as to the great- 
ness of the debts they had to assume and incur. " The 
last company of our friends," he says, " came at such a 
time of the year, as we were fain to keep them eighteen 
months at our charge, ere they could reap any harvest to 
live upon ; all which together fell heavy upon us, and made 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 357 

the burthen greater ; that if it had not been God's mercy, 
it is a wonder we had not sunk under it, especially other 
things occurring, whei'eby we were greatly crossed in our 
supplies for trade, by which these sums should have been 
repaid." 

From the perusal of these extracts my readers will see 
both with what method and care Governor Bradford kept 
his various records for the History of the Colony, and vv^hat 
great and valuable light the contents of his Letter Book 
must have shed upon the continuous course of their affairs 
from the beginning. Three hundred and thirty-eight pages 
of that precious register served as the wrappers of English 
groceries in Halifax. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ANTIQUITIES OF PLYMOUTH. THE HOUSES AND ARMOR 

OF THE PILGRIMS. DESCRIPTION OF THEIR MODE OF PUB- 
LIC WORSHIP. 

It is pleasant to feel, in visiting Plymouth, that there is 
no possibility of misplaced or mistaken enthusiasm. You 
may without doubt press with your own feet the spot first 
trodden by your fathers, to lay there the foundation of your 
New England home. The way in which this certainty has 
been preserved, and made now inextinguishable, is of no 
little interest. In the year 1741, there was living near Ply- 
mouth the last ruling elder in the first church of Plymouth, 
Thomas Faunce by name. He died not till the year 1745, 
at the great age of 99. Holmes, in his American Annals, 
says that Elder Faunce knew well the Rock on which the 
Pilgrims first landed, and that it was his tears, perhaps, 
which saved it from oblivion. In 1741, it formed part of the 
natural shore of the harbor, where the water flowed at 
highest tide, as when the Pilgrims stepped out from their 
shallop. There seems to have been neither wharf nor made 
land interrupting or concealing it. In that year the pro- 
ject was entertained of building a wharf, which would co- 
ver it, and the idea of thus losing from sight this sacred 
memorial of the Pilgrims, was so distressing to the vene- 



PIUNCIPLES,. PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 359 

rable patriarch, that, he wept on hearing of it, left his home 
at the age of 95, and " in the presence of many citizens" at 
Plymouth, pointed out that Rock as the very spot declared 
by the Pilgrims themselves, with whom he had been con- 
temporary, to be the identical rock on which they landed. 
Deacon Ephraim Spooner, who was 52 years town clerk of 
Plymouth, and who died in 1818, at the age of 83, was pre- 
sent at the above-mentioned interview of the citizens at the 
Rock with Elder Faunce, in the year 1741. 

When the Revolutionary conflict was impending, just 
before the breaking out of the war, the patriots of Plymouth 
are described as having undertaken, in the earnestness of 
their zeal, to remove the whole Pilgrim Rock, or a large 
part of it, to the Town Square, in order to make there a 
patriotic rendezvous and liberty-pulpit, to excite the people 
against the oppressions of England. In these energetic 
efforts, having split off a huge fragment of the Rock, they 
concluded to let the original ledge remain as it was, and by 
means of some twenty yoke of oxen dragged their prize to 
the Town Square, where they put up a liberty pole, and 
made the Rock one of the stepping-stones of American inde- 
pendence. There it remained till 1834, when it was with 
suitable ceremonies inaugurated as a sort of monumental sar- 
cophagus, within the iron railing in front of Pilgrim Hall, 
where it is now to be seen. The people of Plymouth will 
not have done their duty to the original Rock, till they 
make a little park around it, down to the water's edge, 
where annually there might be a pleasant ceremony of 
landing from the sea, as solemn and magnificent as that of 
dropping a ring into the Adriatic at Venice, and much more 
glorious in its meaning. The Rock now in front of the 
Hall, with the inscribed names in black around it, might be 
apt to suggest to the mind the idea of a coffin or monumen- 
tal urn, with the pall-bearers. It looks too hearse-like, for 
a pleasant impression, such as one would wish to have be- 



360 HISTOKIGAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

fore that relic, which is the emblem of life, not death, for 
New England. 

The antiquities of the first band of the Puritans in New 
England are few, and therefore the more precious. What 
there are, are quite undoubted, and we have a feeling for 
them like that of Paul, when he spoke of the golden pot 
that had the manna, and Aaron's rod that budded ; things, 
however sacred, which God did not suffer to be preserved, 
any more than the brazen serpent in the wilderness, lest 
they should produce a mongrel superstitious Romanism be- 
fore its time ; an earnest of the idolatry of the Man of Sin 
and Son of Perdition before his development. Neverthe- 
less, we would have been grateful had there been preserv- 
ed one or two houses, with their furniture, of the earliest 
Pilgrim settlers in Plymouth. It is little more than two 
hundred years, and yet not a dwelling remains. 

The first habitations constructed must have been inferior 
and rude, and in the whole of the first year's time they had 
but seven. Their houses were of thatched roofs, and from 
Mr. Winslow's letter contained in the volume of their 
Journal, it would appear that for windows, to keep out the 
weather and let in the light, they used paper, saturated with 
linseed oil. On occasions of state, such as the reception of 
Massasoit, the Indian king, they had a green rug that they 
could spread, and some cushions. From the beautiful spe- 
cimen preserved in Pilgrim Hall, of the needlework of one 
of the daughters of Captain Miles Standish, we see that the 
New England women knew how to adorn their houses and 
make them comfortable. " She seeketh wool and flax, and 
worketh willingly with her hands. She layeth her hands 
to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff". She is not 
afraid of the snow for her household, for all her household 
are clothed with double garments." Not afraid of the 
snow ! A New England characteristic, that. And how 
beautiful, with all that economy and industry of household 



OF PRINCIPLES^ PROVIDENCKS, AND PERSONS. 361 

comfort, the higher delineation of the sacred writer, "She 
stretcheth out her hand to the poor, yea, she reacheth forth 
her hands to the need_y." 

They were all poor and sad and needy that first year 
and many were dying ; yet did they work while the day 
lasted, with cheerful, indefatigable courage. " We agreed," 
say the Pilgrims in their Journal, " that every man should 
build his own house, thinking by that course men would 
make more haste than working in common. The common 
house, in which for the first year we made our rendezvous, 
being nearly finished (a month or so after the landing), 
wanted only covering, it being about twenty feet square. 
Some should make mortar, and some gather thatch ; so that 
in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul wea- 
ther hindered us much." Little room there was for orna- 
ment. Each man building his own house in this winter 
weather, would think himself but too happy in a dwelling 
of rough logs. And the timber had to be felled, and the 
stufl^ provided, in intervals between storms, and sometimes 
with musket in hand, for fear of sudden assaults from the 
savages. Would that one of those earliest houses, erected 
that first winter, had been preserved ! 

We have spoken of the mildness of this first winter. 
Wood says, in his New England's Prospect,* that it is ob- 
served by the Indians that every ten years there is little or 
no winter, an observation confirmed by the experience of 
the English ; for the year of the Plymouth men's arrival 
was no winter in comparison ; and in the tenth year like- 
wise after that, when the great company settled in Massa- 
chusetts Bay, it was a very mild season. There was little 
frost and less snow, but clear serene weather, with but few 
Northwest winds, which was a great mercy to the settlers, 
so little protected from the severity of the weather. He 
adds that the climate is much less cold-catching than in 
England, and in proof of this he gives the decorum of 

* Wood's New Ene;land Prospect, p. 0. 
16 



362 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIO.NS 

men's noses at meeting. In the public assemblies he says 
it is strange to hear a man sneeze or cough as ordinarily 
they do in Old England. 

We find from the Journal that the Pilgrims not only had 
muskets and other weapons, but some of them went clad 
in suits of complete armor, as is manifest from the descrip- 
tion of their encounters with the Indians. Sometimes they 
were surprised without their armor, which would be a com- 
plete defence against the arrows of their enemies. They 
had their armor at hand, on the morning of the great en- 
counter with some twenty or thirty of the savages, Dec. 
8th, 1620 ; but it being yet dark, and just after morning 
prayers, and they just preparing for breakfast, when they 
had just camped and gathered fire- wood, they had not yet 
girded it on ; and indeed, not expecting any use for it that 
day, they were for carrying it down to the shallop, where 
it would be all ready for their embarkation. Two or three 
among them declared they would not carry theirs, till they 
"were ready to go themselves. Meantime some had carried 
theirs down, and left it lying on the sands, while they them- 
selves came up again for breakfast ; when suddenly a ter- 
rific war-whoop sounded from the woods, and a whole vol- 
ley of arrows came flying in amongst them. The men ran 
out, and by the good providence of God, say the Pilgrims, 
recovered their arms, but they could not then have had 
time to buckle on their armor. Yet not a single arrow hit 
any one of them, though the conflict lasted a good while. 
They had nothing but matchlocks to their muskets, so that 
it took some time to light their matches, and while doing 
this with the firebrands, they afforded a plain mark for the 
Indians. In the dark of the morning, as they said, they 
could not themselves so well discern the Indians among the 
trees, as the Indians could see them by their fire-side. It 
was a most perilous interruption of their breaktast, and al- 
together a terrible encounter, though most providentially, 
■with not the slightest injury on their part. They gathered 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 363 

up eighteen of the arrows, brazen-headed, horn-headed, and 
otherwise, and sent them to their friends in England. 

Their armor is described in some of the records of 
the Colonists. Of the settlers at Virginia, Captain John 
Smith says that they all had, besides each his " peice," a 
jack, coat of mail, and sword, or rapier. In a record con- 
cerning the Salem Colonists in 1629,* there is note of an 
agreement " with Mr. Thomas Stevens, Armorer in But- 
tolph Lane, for twenty arms, namely, corset, breast, back, 
culet, gorget, tasses and head piece to each, varnished all 
black, with leathers and buckles, at seventeen shillings 
each armour, excepting four which are to be with close 
head pieces, and these four armours at twenty-four shillings 
a piece." Forty bandileers of neat's leather in broad girdles 
with boxes for twelve cartridges were also contracted for. 
For a scouting party, or a tramp through the woods, this 
heavy armor must have been a great incumbrance, but it 
would render them fire-proof against all the weapons of the 
Indians. On one occasion they say, we marched through 
boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore 
our vei'y armor in pieces. They w^ere then in pursuit of 
the Indians, whom they had followed long already without 
success, and who now took to another wood, and set their 
pursuers, with their armor and snaphances, at defiance. 
Indeed, what could a heavy armed warrior of the dis- 
appearing age of knighthood do in the chase with a half 
naked savage, as fleet and accustomed to the woods as a 
panther ! 

Thus much for their material armor. They were all expe- 
rienced Christian soldiers, but with the wars and weapons of 
this world they had little to do. God had appointed for them 
one disciplined military hero, and but one, Captain Standish, 
to be the soul and leader in every enterprise, where 
martial discipline and skill were requisite. And so well 
fitted was he, by a vigorous judgment, and a daring, ener- 
* Felt's Annals of Salem. Vol. i., p. 64. 



364 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

getic, almost reckless courage, for the post he occupied, 
that after the Indians had gained, by one or two experiences, 
some little knowledge of his character, the very terror of 
his name was a defence to the Colony. But they were 
Pilgrims, all the way through life, and the weapons of their 
warfare were spiritual, not carnal, and well, with the whole 
armor of God, did they wrestle against principalities, 
against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this 
world, against spiritual wickedness in high places. Their 
feet were shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, 
their loins were girt about with truth, and they had on the 
breast-plate of righteousness, and theirs was the shield of 
faith, and the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit 
which is the Word of God, and they prayed always, with 
all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, watching there- 
unto. Yea, they were overshadowed, according to that 
touching letter to the Church of England, in which the 
second Colony of Pilgrims from the Mother Country poured 
out the desires of their hearts for her welfare, with the 
spirit of supplications, in their poor cottages in the wil- 
derness. 

Twenty years after the May Flower anchored in Ply- 
mouth Harbor, only twenty years after the first New 
England Sabbath, there was a circle of sister churches, 
one after another, like unseen constellations, in the 
beautiful imagery used by Cotton Mather, silently stolen 
into the sky, where the order of Christ's House was 
to be seen in its primitive simplicity, perhaps more 
comely and holy than anywhere else in the world. And 
yet the order of those simple services seemed strange and 
rude to the European gazers, so long had the world been 
accustomed to the prodigality and pomp of circumstance 
and ceremony, native and home-born in the Papacy, or 
borrowed from that. What a forcible, heavenly, significant 
contrast of Spirit and Truth, against rites and traditions, in 
the free, rising, prophesying Churches of New England ! 



OF PRINCIPLES, PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 865 

A minute and interesting account of the manner of public 
worship in the meeting-houses there, at the close of twenty 
years from the first planting of the Vine in the Wilderness, 
was published at London in the year 1641, in a curious 
volume, from which we take the following extracts : 

" The public worship is in as fair a meeting-house as 
they can provide, wherein, in most cases, they have been 
at great charges. Every Sabbath or Lord's Day they 
come together at Boston by ringing of a bell about nine of 
the clock or before. The pastor begins with solemn 
prayer, continuing about a quarter of an hour. The 
teacher then readeth and expoundeth a chapter ; then a 
psalm is sung, whichever one of the ruling elders dictates. 
After that the pastor preacheth a sermon, and sometimes 
ex tempore exhorts. Then the teacher concludes with 
prayer and a blessing. 

" Once a month is a Saci'ament of the Lord's Supper, 
whereof notice is usually given a fortnight before, and 
then all others departing except the Church, which is a 
great deal less in number than those that go away, they 
receive the Sacrament, the ministers and ruling elders 
sitting at the table, the rest in their seats or upon forms. 
Any one, though not of the church, may in Boston come 
in and see the Sacrament administered, if he will. But 
none of any church in the country may receive the Sacra- 
ment there, without leave of the congregation, for which 
purpose he comes to one of the ruling elders, who pro- 
pounds his name to the congregation, before they go to the 
Sacrament. 

" About two in the afternoon they repair to the meeting- 
house again ; and then the pastor begins, as before noon, 
and a psalm being sung, the teacher makes a sermon. He 
was wont, when I came first, to read and expound a chap- 
ter also before his sermon in the afternoon. After and 
before his sermon he prayeth. 

" After that ensues baptism, if there be any, which is 



3G6 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

done either by pastor or teacher, in the deacons' seat, the 
most eminent place in the church, next under the elders' 
seat. The pastor most commonly makes a speech or 
exhortation to the church and parents concerning baptism, 
and then prayeth before and after. It is done by washing 
or sprinkling. One of the parents being of the church, the 
child may be baptized. No sureties are required. 

" Which ended, follows the contribution, one of the 
deacons saying. Brethren of the congregation, now there 
is time left for contribution, wherefore as God hath pros- 
pered you, so freely offer. Upon some extraordinary 
occasions, as building and repairing of churches, or meet- 
ing-houses, or other necessities, the ministers press a liberal 
contribution, with effectual exhortations out of Scripture. 
The magistrates and chief gentlemen first, and then the 
elders, and all the congregation of men, and most of them 
that are not of the church, all single persons, widows, and 
women in absence of their husbands, come up, one after 
another, one way, and bring their offerings to the deacon 
at his seat, and put it into a box of wood for the purpose, 
if it be money or papers; if it be any other chattel, they 
set or lay it down before the deacons, and so pass another 
way to their seats again. This contribution is of money, 
or of papers promising so much money. I have seen a 
fair gilt cup with a cover offered there by one, which is 
still used at the communion. Which moneys and goods 
the deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the minis- 
ters, and the poor of the church, and the church's occasions, 
without making account ordinarily. 

" Also when a minister preacheth abroad, in another 
congregation, the ruling elder of the place, after the psalm 
sung, saying publicly, ' If this present brother hath any 
word of exhortation for the people at this time, in the name 
of God let him say on.' This is held prophesying. Also 
when a brother exerciseth in his own congregation, taking 
a text of Scripture, and handling the same according to 



OF PRlNCII'LJit;, ruOVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 367 

his ability. Notwithstanding, it is generally held in the 
Bay by some of the most grave and learned men among 
them, that none should undertake to prophesy in public, 
unless he intend the work of the ministry."* 

Here we close these chapters of attempted historical 
and illustrative notices of the developments of God's pro- 
vidence and grace. In recounting some of those particu- 
lars upon which we have dwelt, I have quoted from the 
historian Grahame. Tb.e reperusal of a part of the Poet 
Grahame's fine descriptive sketches of the Sabbath in Scot- 
land brings to mind a class of Christians, with whom the 
stern experiences and noble qualities of our Pilgrim Fathers 
link them in many points of resemblance. And I know 
not how I can more fitly end this volume, than with 
Grahame's beautiful description of the character and 
Sabbath of the Scottish Covenanters, hunted and perse- 
cuted, because they would be free to worship God- 

O BLISSFUL day ! 
When all men worsliip God as conscience wills. 
Far other times our fathers' grandsires knew, 
A virtuous race, to godliness devote. 
What though the sceptic's scorn hath dared to soil 
The record of their fame ! What though the men 
Of worldly minds have dared to stigmatize 
The sister-cause, religion and the law, 
With superstition's name ! yet, yet their deeds. 
Their constancy in torture, and in death, — 
These on tradition's tongue still live ; these shall 
On history's honest page be pictured bright 
To latest times. Perhaps some bard, whose muse 
Disdains the servile strain of fashion's quire, 
May celebrate their unambitious names. 
With tliem each day was holy, every hour 
They stood prepared to die, a people doom'd 
To death : — old men, and youths, and simple maids. 
With them each day was holy ; but that morn 

* Lechford's Pkin Dealing, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, third series, vol. iii. 



368 HISTORICAL AND LOCAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

On which the angel said, See where the Lord 

Was laid, joyous arose; to die that day 

Was bliss. Long ere the dawn, by devious ways, 

O'er hills, thro' woods, o'er dreary wastes, they sought 

The upland moors, where rivers, there but brooks, 

Dispart to diflferent seas. Fast by such brooks, 

A little glen is sometimes scoop'd, a plat 

With green sward gay, and tlowers that strangers seem 

Amid the heathery wild, that all around 

Fatigues the eye : in solitudes like these 

Thy persecuted children, Scotia, foil'd 

A tyrant's and a bigot's bloody laws : 

There, leaning on his spear (one of the array, 

Whose gleam, in former days, had scathed the rose 

On England's banner, and had powerless struck 

The infatuate monarch and his wavering host). 

The lyart veteran heard the word of God 

By Cameron thunder'd, or by Renwick pour'd 

In gentle stream : then rose the song, the loud 

Acclaim of praise: the wheeling plover ceased 

Her plaint: the solitary place was glad. 

And on the distant cairns, the watcher's ear * 

Caught doubtfully at times the breeze-borne note. 

But years more gloomy follow'd ; and no more 

The assembled people dared, in face of day, 

To worship God, or even at the dead 

Of night, save when the wintry storm raved fierce, 

And thunder peals compell'd the men of blood 

To couch within their dens ; then dauntlessly 

The scatter'd few would meet, in some deep dell 

By rocks o'er-canopied, to hear the voice, 

Their faitliful pastor's voice: He, by the gleam 

Of sheeted lightning, oped the sacred book, 

And words of comfort spake : Over their souls 

His accents soothing came, — as to her young 

The heathfowl's plumes, when, at the close of eve, 

She gathers in, mournful, her brood dispersed 

By murderous sport, and o'er the remnant spreads 

Fondly her wings ; close nestling 'neath her breast, 

They, cherish'd, cower amid the purple blooms. 

* Sentinels were placed on the surrounding hill?, to give warning of the 
approach of the military. 



OF PRINCIPLES,. PROVIDENCES, AND PERSONS. 369 

There is now a Free Church in Scotland, as there is in 
New England, because the ancestral piety of both countries 
was that of a free, voluntary covenant with God. 

The Old World are even yet but beginning to learn the 
nature, the truth, and the power, of a voluntary piety, a 
voluntary covenant, and voluntary churches. Men are 
beginning to see that a state can be religious only in pro- 
portion as the individuals who compose it are true volun- 
tary Christians, and the acts and laws that emanate from it 
and manifest its «haracter are in correspondence with the 
Gospel ; that the grace of God alone, and not an Ecclesi- 
astical or State-Sacrament, can make Christians ; that the 
grace of God is free, and makes men freemen ; that the 
Church does not include the State, except as God, by his 
grace, brings the subjects of the State into Christ's fold ; 
and that the State does not include the Church in its spirit- 
ual existence and privileges, as contained in its charter 
in God's Word, and has no authority over it, and no 
responsibility in regard to it, except to protect the Christian 
and civil liberties of all its members, as of all citizens, from 
all annoyance and all injury. When these principles are 
thoroughly learned, and prevalent, then, and not till then, 
will the fever of intolerance and the fire of persecution die 
out of existence. When Christ reigns, then, and not till 
then, will the world rest. 



THE END. 



H 88 78 -^ 




o > .^ 




♦ 4 — * 






^^ 









■^^^ 









\ /.= - 

•I o 






4>- 






^V 



C" .'i^ 



^ 




r^^: v\^ 'L_ 











^>^T N. MANCHESTER. p.V o " o , '^o »<!»• >• ' • <* 



